-NRLF 


GIFT   OF 


r 


;=, 


CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 


READ  BEFORE  THE  COMMANDERY 
OF  THE  STATE  OF  MASSACHUSETTS, 
MILITARY  ORDER  OF  THE  LOYAL 
LEGION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


VOLUME    I. 


^  la^A. 


BOSTON: 

PRINTED    FOR    THE   COMMANDERY 

MCM 


COPYRIGHT,  1900, 

BY  COMMANDBRV  OF  THE  STATE  OF  MASSACHUSETTS 
MILITARY  ORDER  OF  THE  LOYAL  LEGION 

OF    THE 

UNITED  STATES. 


F.  IT.  GILSON  COMPANY 
PRINTERS  AND  BOOKBINDERS 
BOSTON,  U.  S.  A. 


PREFACE 


THE  Massachusetts  Commandery  of  the  Military  Order  of 
the  Loyal  Legion  on  November  2nd,  1892,  appointed  a  Commit 
tee  on  History,  and  since  January  1893,  papers  on  the  Civil  War 
have  been  prepared  and  read  by  the  companions,  first  at  special 
meetings  called  for  that  purpose,  subsequently  during  the  hour 
preceding  the  regular  monthly  meeting. 

November  4th,  1896,  the  Board  of  Officers  voted  to  call  the 
regular  meetings  of  the  Commandery  at  5.30  o'clock  P.M.,  to 
listen  first  to  the  reading  of  the  papers  announced  by  the  Com 
mittee  on  History. 

On  April  4th,  1900, 

Lieutenant  Colonel  FRANCIS  S.  HESSELTINE,  Chairman  Committee  on 

History, 

Captain  WILMON  W.  BLACKMAR,  Junior  Vice  Commander, 
Major  EDWARD  T.  BOUVE,  Member  of  Council  and  of  Committee  on 

History, 

Lieutenant  Colonel  SAMUEL  A.  DRAKE, 
Lieutenant  CHARLES  H.  PORTER,  Librarian, 

were  appointed  a  committee  to  publish  a  volume  of  the  papers 
which  have  been  read  before  the  Commandery.  A  few  of  the 
papers  had  been  prepared  for  and  published  by  the  Military 
Historical  Society  of  Massachusetts,  others  were  reserved  by 
the  companions  who  furnished  them. 

From  those  at  their  disposal  the  committee  have  selected 
the  papers  here  published,  considering  solely  variety  and  interest 
of  subjects  and  the  honor  of  the  Commandery  of  Massachusetts. 

THE    COMMITTEE    ON    PUBLICATION. 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS 


PAGE 

"MY  FIRST  AND  LAST  BATTLE" 3 

BY  REV.  EDWARD    EVERETT   HALE,  D.D.,   CHAPLAIN  OF  THE   MASSACHUSETTS 

COMMANDERY. 

"THE  FIRST  CRUISE  OF  THE  KEARSARGE  " n 

BY  COMPANION    WILLIAM    H.   BADLAM,  2nd  ASSISTANT  ENGINEER,  U.S.N. 

" AMUSING  THE  ENEMY" 27 

BY  LIEUTENANT    COLONEL    FRANCIS  S.  HESSELTINE,   U.S.V. 

"  THE  CAPTURE   OF  RICHMOND  " 47 

BY  LIEUTENANT  ROYAL  B.  PRESCOTT,  U.S.V. 

"THE  LEFT  ATTACK  (EWELL'S)  AT  GETTYSBURG  " 75 

BY  BREVET  CAPTAIN  EDWARD  N.  WHITTIER,  U.S.V. 

"MY  CAPTURE,  PRISON  LIFE  AND  ESCAPE" 109 

BY  BREVET  MAJOR  ANDREW  M.  BENSON,  U.S.V. 

"THE  OLD  ARMY  IN  KANSAS" 141 

BY  LIEUTENANT  COLONEL  SAMUEL  ADAMS  DRAKE,  U.S.V. 

"  FOURTEEN  MONTHS' SERVICE  WITH  COLORED  TROOPS" 155 

BY  BREVET  LIEUTENANT  COLONEL  SOLON  A.  CARTER,  U.S.V. 

"THE  BATTLE  OF  CEDAR  CREEK,  Oct.  19,  1864" 183 

BY  BREVET  BRIGADIER  GENERAL  HAZARD  STEVENS,  U.S.V. 

"  THE  CAPTURE  OF  JACKSON  " 249 

BY  LIEUTENANT  SETH  A.   RANLETT,  U.S.V. 
"THE  CAPTURE  OF  FORT  FISHER" 271 

BY  BREVET  MAJOR  GENERAL  ADELBERT  AMES,  U.S.V. 

"THE  CAPTURE  OF  FORT  FISHER" 299 

BY  BREVET  MAJOR  GENERAL  N.  MARTIN  CURTIS,  U.S.V. 

"SHERMAN'S  CAMPAIGN  IN  THE  CAROLINAS  " 331 

By   MAJOR   HENRY  O.  MARCY,  SURGEON  U.S.C.T. 

" LIFE  IN  CONFEDERATE  PRISONS" 351 

BY   LIEUTENANT   JOSEPH   E.  MOODY,  U.S.V. 

V 


r\  TABLE    OF    CONTENTS 

PACK 

IN  THE  WILDERNESS" ,         .....     373 

BY  BREVET  MAJOR   Z.    BOYLSTON  ADAMS,  U.S.V. 

THE  BATTLE  AT  HIGH  BRIDGE" 403 

BY    MAJOR    EDWARD  T.    BOUVE,  U.S.V. 

THE  MORNING   SURPRISE  AT  CEDAR  CREEK" 415 

BY   CAPTAIN   S.  EDWARD  HOWARD,  U.S.V. 

'THE  BURN  SIDE  EXPEDITION  " 427 

BY  BREVET  BRIGADIER  GENERAL   A.    B.    R.   SPRAGUE,  U.S.V. 

•  SUNSHINE  AND  SHADOWS  OF  ARMY  LIFE  " 447 

By  CAPTAIN   JOHN  G.    B.   ADAMS,   U.S.V. 

THE  RE-OCCUPATION  OF  JACKSONVILLE  IN  1863  " 467 

BY   COLONEL  THOMAS  WENTWORTH   HIGGINSON,  U.S.C.T. 

'THE  EXPLOSION  AT  CITY  POINT" 477 

BY   CAPTAIN   MORRIS   SCHAFF,  U.S.A. 

1  STUART'S  BRIGADE  AT  SHILOH  " ...    489 

BY  LIEUTENANT  ELIJAH  C.  LAWRENCE,  U.S.V. 

'  REMINISCENCES  OF  A  PRISONER  OF  WAR  " 499 

BY  BREVET  LIEUTENANT  COLONEL  ISAAC  F.  GALLOUPK,  STRGEON  U.S.V. 

'AN  INVOLUNTARY  JOURNEY  THROUGH  THE  CONFEDERACY".     .     .     .       513 

BY  CAPTAIN  JOSEPH  E.  FISKE,  U.S.V. 

'  THREE  MONTHS'  SERVICE  IN  1861  WITH  THE  4TH  REGIMENT  M.V.M.  "     533 

BY   BREVET  BRIGADIER  GENERAL   LUTHER    STEFHENSON,  U.S.V. 

'  GENERAL    JESSE  L.  RENO  AT  FREDERICK,    BARBARA    FRITCIIIE    AND 

HER  FLAG  " 553 

BY  COMPANION  CONRAD  RENO. 


MY  FIRST  AND  LAST  BATTLE 


MY    FIRST   AND    LAST   BATTLE 

BY 

REVEREND    EDWARD    EVERETT    HALE,    D.D., 
CHAPLAIN  OF  THE  MASSACHUSETTS  COMMANDERY. 

FOR  three  years  of  the  Civil  War  I  had  been  connected  with 
the  Sanitary  Commission  of  Massachusetts  and  of  the  United 
States.  The  Commission  had  it  for  its  duty  to  keep  the  people 
at  home  in  touch  with  the  army.  It  tried  to  keep  alive  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  people  for  the  soldiers,  and  it  tried  to  make 
the  soldiers  understand  that  they  were  not  forgotten  by  the 
nation. 

In  the  correspondence  and  other  work  connected  with  the 
Sanitary,  I  had  occasion  to  visit  Fort  Monroe  in  the  spring  of 
1864,  and  was  most  cordially  and  courteously  received  there  by 
General  Butler.  I  was  his  guest  at  his  house,  and,  with  regard 
to  some  interesting  things  in  the  movements  of  the  war,  I 
learned  a  great  deal  which  was  very  curious  from  him.  When 
we  parted  I  said  to  him  :  "  It  will  not  be  long  before  you  will 
see  me  again.  I  shall  be  drafted  some  day,  and  as  I  present 
arms  to  you,  as  a  sentinel,  you  will  remember  your  old  guest." 
He  asked  if  I  could  not  stay  then,  and  said  he  would  put  me  to 
work.  But  I  had  home  duties  in  hand. 

I  was  not  surprised,  therefore,  when,  after  General  Butler, 
by  a  well-planned  movement,  had  taken  up  his  position  at  Ber 
muda  Hundred,  where  the  Appomattox  and  James  Rivers  join 
each  other,  to  receive  a  telegram  from  Shaffer,  his  chief  of 
staff,  saying  simply  :  "  Come  on  at  once.  We  are  more  suc 
cessful  than  our  best  hopes." 


4    '  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

At  that  time,  the  beginning  of  May,  1864,  the  chances  were 
good  for  the  combined  armies  going,  separately  or  together, 
into  Richmond.  Alas,  it  was  a  year  before  this  happened ! 
But  I  at  once  made  arrangements  to  join  the  headquarters  staff, 
with  which  I  was  now  intimate,  and  I  went  on  with  a  fortnight's 
leave  of  absence  from  my  work  at  home. 

As  I  passed  through  Washington,  where  we  were  all  at 
home  in  the  war,  I  went  to  the  War  Department,  where  the 
adjutant-general,  Townsend,  was  an  old  schoolmate  of  mine.  I 
was  no  stranger  there  then,  and  so  it  happened  that  he  gave 
me  a  dispatch  for  General  Butler.  This  elevated  me  at  cnce 
in  the  esteem  of  all  chiefs  of  transportation,  giving  me  I  do 
not  know  how  much  power,  but  great  prestige  whenever  I 
needed  it.  I  went  down  to  Fort  Monroe  at  once,  where  I 
found  only  one  or  two  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  staff,  chafing 
because  they  were  not  at  the  front  ;  and  on  the  government 
steamer  of  the  next  day  I  went  up  to  Bermuda  Hundred. 

We  were  rather  more  than  halfway  up  when  we  were 
arrested  for  a  little  by  the  sound  of  firing  on  the  shore.  It 
proved  that  this  was  one  of  the  days  when  Fitzhugh  Lee  had 
attempted  to  cut  off  General  Butler's  river  communications. 
He  had  attacked  the  field  works  which  we  had  on  the  south 
side  of  the  river.  As  it  happened,  some  of  these  works  were 
held  by  negroes  recruited  in  Virginia,  and  this  was  one  of  the 
earlier  trials  of  those  troops.  After  a  little  delay  on  this  ac 
count,  we  pressed  on,  and  just  about  at  nightfall  arrived  at  the 
crowded  water-front  of  Bermuda  Hundred.  The  whole  army  of 
25,000  men  had  arrived  there  suddenly  a  fortnight  before,  as  if 
it  had  fallen  from  the  skies.  In  that  time  wharves  and  landing- 
places  had  been  improvised,  with  marvelous  rapidity  ;  and 
although  there  was  endless  confusion,  still  things  seemed  to 
go  forward  with  the  kind  of  energy  which  marks  the  work  of  a 
well-disciplined  army. 

For  me,  I  was  as  ignorant  as  a  freshman  is  on  entering 
college  of  what  I  was  to  do.  I  knew  that  General  Butler  and 


MY    FIRST   AND    LAST   BATTLE  5 

his  staff  were  six  or  seven  miles  away,  I  knew  that  night  was 
falling,  and  I  did  not  know  how  I  was  to  go  to  him.  Fortu 
nately  for  me,  as  I  thought,  there  was  on  the  boat  a  member  of 
his  staff  with  whom  I  had  some  acquaintance,  and  I  relied  upon 
him  to  help  me  through.  When  we  landed,  however,  he  was 
out  of  the  way,  and  I  could  not  find  him.  I  suspected  that  he 
did  not  care  to  embarrass  himself  with  a  civilian,  and  was  inten 
tionally  keeping  out  of  sight.  I  think  so  still. 

I  therefore  did  what  I  always  do  in  life  —  struck  as  high  as 
I  could.  I  said  to  the  sentinel  that  I  was  a  bearer  of  dispatches, 
and  asked  him  the  way  to  the  headquarters  of  the  commander  of 
that  post.  I  wish  I  remembered  this  gentleman's  name,  so  well 
did  he  illustrate  the  courtesy  and  promptness  of  a  man  in  com 
mand.  He  said  at  once  that  his  own  orderly  should  go  with  me 
to  General  Butler ;  that  he  would  lend  me  his  own  horse ;  and 
would  send  my  valise  on  the  ambulance  the  next  morning.  So 
the  horse  was  saddled,  and  about  the  time  when  it  became  quite 
dark,  the  soldier  and  I  started  on  our  way. 

He  knew  no  more  of  the  way  than  I  did,  and  a  very  bad 
way  it  was.  I  made  my  first  acquaintance  with  the  sacred  soil 
of  Virginia  then  and  there.  We  lost  ourselves  sometimes,  and 
then  we  found  ourselves,  the  greater  part  of  the  road  being  the 
worst  possible  country  road,  all  cut  to  pieces  by  the  heavy  army 
work,  through  woods,  not  of  large  trees,  which  were  close  enough 
on  both  sides  to  darken  the  passage.  It  was  nine  o'clock  or 
later  when  we  saw  the  welcome  sight  of  the  headquarters 
camp  fires. 

We  rode  up  and  I  jumped  from  my  horse  to  shake  hands 
with  General  Butler,  Colonel  Shaffer,  and  the  other  gentlemen. 
They  asked  instantly  how  we  had  passed  the  batteries.  I  told 
the  story,  and  General  Butler,  who  was  always  effusively  polite, 
and  who  to  his  other  gracious  ways  added  exquisite  facility  in 
flattery,  said  to  me  :  "  We  are  greatly  obliged  to  you,  Mr.  Hale. 
I  have  been  very  anxious  for  two  or  three  hours.  I  was  afraid 
my  dispatches  were  cut  off."  I  had  already  handed  to  him  the 


6  CIVIL  WAR    PAPERS 

utterly  unimportant  letter  from  the  War  Department,  which 
had  been  my  talisman  thus  far. 

Then  and  there  I  first  heard  soldiers  talk  of  what  had  been 
done  and  what  had  not  been  done  in  that  day.  I  knew  before 
hand  that,  in  the  push  toward  Richmond,  we  had  been  flung 
back  at  Fort  Darling.  I  did  not  know,  till  I  came  there,  ex 
actly  how  the  command  was  impressed  by  this  delay.  But  in 
the  headquarters  circle  I  found  nothing  but  confidence,  and  I 
very  soon  saw  that  I  was  to  understand  that  we  should  have 
taken  Richmond,  but  for  the  heavy  fog  of  the  day  of  battle  and 
some  other  infelicities.  I  think  now  that  this  is  probably  true. 

The  fires  were  kept  burning,  and  we  sat  and  chatted  there 
hour  after  hour.  When  we  had  been  there  perhaps  two  hours, 
up  came  my  dilatory  military  friend  of  the  general's  staff,  and 
with  sufficient  profanity  exorcised  the  roads  over  which  he  had 
ridden.  He  had  never  been  there  before.  General  Butler 
heard  him  through,  and  then  said :  "  But  here  is  Mr.  Hale,  who 
has  been  here  two  hours."  The  soldier  turned  on  me,  a  little 
crestfallen,  all  the  other  members  of  the  staff  sufficiently  amused, 
and  he  asked  me  with  another  oath,  how  I  found  the  way.  I 
said,  "We  followed  the  telegraph  wire  ; "  and  from  that  day 
I  was  rather  a  favorite  with  the  staff  for  this  civilian  snub  on  a 
gentleman  who  was  not  a  favorite. 

Meanwhile,  somebody  had  been  ordered  to  pitch  a  tent  for 
me,  and  about  eleven  o'clock,  I  suppose,  I  went  to  bed  in  my 
new  quarters.  I  had  slept  an  hour,  however,  as  it  proved,  when 
I  was  awakened  by  the  firing  of  cannon.  I  had  never  heard 
such  firing;  as  it  proved  afterward,  they  were  the  heaviest 
guns  which  I  have  ever  heard  in  my  life.  Of  course  I  wanted 
to  jump  up,  but  I  said  to  myself  :  "  It  will  seem  very  green  if  I 
walk  out  on  the  first  sound  of  firing.  I  suppose  this  is  what 
I  came  to  the  front  for.  If  they  want  me  they  will  call  me, 
and  I  shall  hear  firing  enough  before  I  have  done."  So  I 
turned  over  and  tried  to  go  to  sleep  —  did  go  to  sleep  —  and 
was  awakened  again  by  louder  and  louder  firing.  All  this  lasted. 


MY    FIRST    AND    LAST    BATTLE  7 

I  suppose,  perhaps  an  hour,  perhaps  two.  Then  all  was  still, 
and  I  went  to  sleep  for  the  night. 

You  are  awakened  in  camp,  if  you  are  at  a  major-general's, 
by  the  bugles  of  his  cavalry  escort,  and  the  next  morning  I 
heard  their  reveille,  also  for  the  first  time.  I  washed  myself,  was 
already  dressed,  of  course,  and  in  a  little  time  an  orderly  told  me 
that  breakfast  was  ready.  I  met  at  breakfast  Captain  Laurie,  a 
fine  old  officer  of  the  navy,  whom  I  had  known  slightly  in 
Boston.  He  said  to  me,  "And  how  did  you  like  our  firing  last 
night,  Mr.  Hale?"  I  said,  that  to  me,  as  a  civilian,  it  seemed 
very  loud,  but  I  supposed  that  that  was  what  I  had  come  to  the 
war  for,  and  I  did  not  get  up  from  my  bed.  Laurie  answered, 
as  if  he  would  rebuke  me  for  my  ignorance  :  "  I  have  been  in 
the  service  for  thirty-nine  years,  and  I  never  heard  such  firing 
before."  I  found  then,  for  the  first  time,  that  the  whole  staff 
had  been  up  and  on  horseback,  had  been  at  the  front  to  try  to 
find  out  what  this  firing  was,  and  had  returned  almost  as  much 
perplexed  as  they  went. 

It  was  thus  that  it  happened  to  me  that  I  spent  my  first  and 
last  battle  in  bed. 

I  was  acting  on  the  principle  of  doing  the  duty  which  came 
next  my  hand,  and  obeying  all  orders  which  were  given  to  me. 
I  had  not  run  away  ;  I  was  pleased  with  that.  And  if  I  had 
not  personally  received  the  surrender  of  three  or  four  battle- 
flags,  that  was  my  misfortune. 

I  had  occasion  afterward  to  hear,  not  to  say  report,  much  of 
the  testimony,  and  to  read  all  the  rest  of  it,  which  related  to 
this  remarkable  battle.  If  you  will  read  the  history  of  the  time, 
as  told  in  the  Richmond  newspapers  and  those  of  New  York 
City,  and  will  put  them  together,  you  will  learn  that  on  that 
night  a  reconnoissance  was  sent  out  from  our  lines  into  the 
tangled  shrubbery  which  separated  our  newly  built  works  from 
those  of  the  rebels.  You  will  learn  that  the  rebel  guns  mowed 
down  these  columns  as  corn  is  mowed  down  before  a  tempest. 
Or,  if  you  read  a  Northern  newspaper,  you  will  learn  that  a  cer- 


8  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

tain  column  of  the  rebel  troops,  who  were  named,  were  worse 
than  decimated  by  similar  artillery  from  our  works. 

Every  word  of  this  was  entirely  false.  In  fact,  there  was  a 
very  heavy  cannonading  from  the  newly  erected  works  on  both 
sides.  As  I  have  said,  it  lasted  an  hour  or  two.  Much  of  it  on 
our  side  was  from  heavy  guns,  which  had  been  landed  from  the 
navy  to  strengthen  the  battery  which  we  had  near  the  river. 
But  as  the  result  of  it,  there  was  never  any  evidence  that  a 
rabbit  was  scratched.  Certainly  no  drop  of  human  blood  was 
shed  in  that  encounter  of  giants. 

How  it  happened  so  late  in  the  evening,  I  do  not  know. 
But  what  happened  was  this :  A  party  of  ladies  had  been  enter 
tained  on  board  one  of  our  ships  of  war.  As  they  left,  an  officer, 
with  the  gallantry  of  his  profession,  asked  one  of  the  ladies  if 
she  would  like  to  see  how  a  gun  was  fired,  and  to  do  pleasure  to 
her,  he  fired  one  of  the  guns  in  the  darkness.  At  that  moment 
everything  was  on  the  qui  vive  ashore,  and  our  land-battery 
men,  eager  for  something  to  do,  finding  that  one  shot  was  fired, 
thought  that  another  had  better  be  fired,  and  continued  the 
firing.  This  started  the  successive  artillerists  for  nearly  a  mile, 
as  our  works  ran  up  into  the  country  toward  the  Appomattox 
River,  and  not  to  be  belated  or  accused  of  sleepiness,  they  began 
firing  in  turn.  Of  course  this  roused  the  equally  ready  artiller 
ists  on  the  rebel  side  and  they  fired,  I  suppose,  at  the  flashes 
which  they  saw  a  mile  or  two  away.  And  this  was  the  famous 
cannonade  which  made  the  whole  of  my  first  battle. 

The  naval  officers  were  dreadfully  mortified,  our  gentlemen 
at  headquarters  were  indignant  beyond  account,  and  the  thing 
almost  came  to  courts  martial  and  courts  of  inquiry.  But  it  was 
wisely  thought  better  to  leave  the  record  of  it  to  be  made  at  the 
end  of  thirty  years  by  the  only  person  who  was  at  all  concerned, 
who  spent  the  hours  of  the  battle  in  his  bed  under  canvas. 


THE  FIRST  CRUISE  OF  THE  KEARSARGE 


THE  FIRST  CRUISE  OF  THE  KEARSARGE 

BY 

COMPANION    WILLIAM    H.   BADLAM, 

SECOND  ASSISTANT  ENGINEER,  U.S.N. 

ON  the  5th  day  of  February,  1862,  the  Sloop-of-War  Kear- 
sarge,  commanded  by  Captain  Charles  W.  Pickering,  sailed  from 
Portsmouth  Navy  Yard  down  the  Piscataqua  river,  past  the 
Isles  of  Shoals,  out  to  sea. 

The  course  was  set  to  the  southward  and  eastward,  and  in  a 
short  time  we  ran  into  the  Gulf  Stream,  and  came  into  rough 
weather,  which  lasted  for  three  days,  making  things  wet  and 
uncomfortable.  Our  hatch  combings  were  low,  and  the  seas 
that  came  aboard  would  strike  them  and  pour  down  the  hatches, 
until  it  became  necessary  to  batten  down,  and  put  on  the  storm 
hoods.  The  captain's  gig  was  swept  out  of  the  davits  by  a 
large  sea,  and  lost  overboard. 

After  this  experience  we  proceeded  on  our  way  to  Madeira, 
and  had  fairly  good  weather.  We  lay  at  anchor,  at  Funchal, 
two  or  three  days,  and  then  proceeded  to  Cadiz,  Spain,  where, 
on  our  arrival,  we  learned  that  the  Confederate  Steamer  Sumter 
was  anchored  under  the  guns  of  Gibraltar,  guarded  by  the 
United  States  Steamer  Tuscarora,  which  was  lying  at  anchor  in 
the  port  of  Algesiras,  a  Spanish  town  across  the  bay  from 
Gibraltar. 

We  relieved  the  Tuscarora  and  kept  a  sharp  lookout  on  the 
Sumter  for  some  months,  ready  to  go  out  in  case  she  made  a 
move.  By  lying  in  Spanish  waters  we  were  free  to  go  out  with 
out  waiting  twenty-four  hours  after  the  Sumter  had  departed, 
which  we  should  have  been  obliged  to  do,  if  we  had  lain  at  Gib 
raltar,  in  English  waters. 


12  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  summer  of  1862,  we  spent  con 
siderable  time  in  the  Atlantic  waters  around  the  Azores,  looking 
for  the  Alabama,  which  had  been  reported  as  destroying- 
American  whalers  in  that  vicinity.  Not  finding  the  Alabama, 
we  returned  to  watch  the  Sumter,  until  she  was  finally  sold  and 
all  hands  left  her. 

The  winter  of  1862—1863  was  spent  at  La  Carraca,  Spain, 
at  the  Spanish  Navy  Yard,  repairing  our  stern  bearing,  which 
had  worn  down  to  such  an  extent  that  it  was  not  safe  to  con 
tinue  cruising  under  steam.  It  took  from  the  ist  of  December, 
1862,  until  the  middle  of  March,  1863,  to  have  the  work  finished, 
a  job  that  ought  not  to  have  taken  more  than  three  weeks  at 
the  longest,  had  it  been  done  in  the  United  States. 

On  April  8th,  1863,  Captain  Pickering  and  our  Executive 
Officer  were  relieved  by  Captain  John  A.  Winslow,  and  Lieu 
tenant  Commander  James  S.  Thornton.  Soon  after  this  change 
of  officers,  and  while  lying  at  anchor  in  the  bay  of  Horta,  Fayal, 
about  May  ist  the  plan  of  protecting  the  engines  and  boilers, 
with  the  spare  cables  hung  in  bights  over  the  sides,  as  sug 
gested  by  Lieutenant  Commander  Thornton,  was  decided  upon. 
The  engineers'  department  made  the  iron  work,  and  the  ship's 
carpenter  hung  the  chains.  After  the  chains  were  hung,  the 
whole  surface  was  covered  with  inch  boards  to  prevent  the  sea 
from  washing  it  adrift,  some  parts  being  lashed  together  only 
with  marline  ;  the  ends  and  bottom  being  finished  with  beveled 
pieces  so  as  not  to  reduce  our  speed.  After  six  days'  work,  we 
had  the  job  completed,  and  on  painting  the  new  wood  covering, 
the  change  was  scarcely  distinguishable  at  a  short  distance. 

The  Kearsarge  was  a  fast  steamer  for  those  days,  and  had 
made  an  average  of  thirteen  and  a  half  knots  with  moderate 
head  wind  and  sea. 

On  September  7th,  1863,  we  left  Madeira  for  the  English 
Channel,  touching  at  Lisbon,  Portugal,  and  Ferrol,  Spain. 
Here  we  heard  that  the  Confederate  Steamer  Florida  was  at 
Brest,  France.  We  immediately  proceeded  there,  looking  in  at 


THE    FIRST   CRUISE    OF    THE    KEARSARGE  13 

Bordeaux,  where  two  ironclad  Rams  were  being  built  for  the 
Confederates.  We  found  the  Florida  at  Brest,  where  we  re 
mained  lying  off  and  on  for  about  five  months.  The  Florida 
was  a  two  funnel  steamer,  a  little  smaller  than  the  Alabama, 
and  carried  eight  rifled  guns. 

October  3Oth,  we  heard  that  the  Georgia  was  off  the  coast 
of  Ireland.  We  proceeded  to  Oueenstown  in  a  very  severe  gale, 
but  found  that  she  had  gone  to  Cherbourg.  Back  again  we 
went  to  Brest,  to  continue  our  watch  on  the  Florida. 

December  5th,  we  started  for  Oueenstown  again,  this  time 
to  land  some  stowaways  that  had  come  aboard  when  there  before. 
These  stowaways  were  the  cause  of  considerable  diplomatic 
correspondence,  and  we  returned  them  to  their  native  soil  as 
soon  as  we  dared  to  leave  the  Florida,  touching  at  Cherbourg 
and  at  Plymouth  on  our  return  to  Brest. 

On  January  i7th,  1864,  being  short  of  coal  and  stores,  we 
were  obliged  to  go  to  Cadiz  to  replenish,  and  returned  on  the 
1 8th  of  February  to  find  that  the  Florida  had  departed  during 
our  absence.  It  was  rather  a  difficult  task  for  one  vessel  to 
blockade  four  or  five  of  the  enemy's  cruisers,  from  one  to  six 
hundred  miles  apart. 

In  the  English  Channel  we  performed  considerable  police 
duty,  visiting  ports  in  England,  Ireland,  France,  Belgium,  and 
Holland,  looking  after  the  Rappahannock,  Georgia,  and  other 
vessels  fitting  out  for  the  Confederate  Government,  as  fast  as 
we  heard  of  their  whereabouts. 

April  i /th,  when  going  into  the  port  of  Ostend,  Belgium, 
under  charge  of  a  pilot,  through  his  stupidity  we  were  run  on 
the  pier,  a  massive  granite  structure,  where  we  hung  for  twelve 
hours  before  we  could  get  off.  We  at  first  thought  it  was  pre 
meditated,  but  finally  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  through 
the  pilot's  ignorance.  We  came  off  with  only  the  loss  of  a  few 
sheets  of  copper  from  our  bottom. 

That  the  reader  may  realize  what  a  scourge  the  Alabama 
was  to  American  Commerce,  I  will  proceed  to  follow  her  cle- 


14  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

structive  course  from  her  departure  from  England.  In  October 
1 86 1,  the  Confederate  Agents  in  England  made  a  contract  with 
the  Lairds,  of  Liverpool,  to  build  a  war  vessel.  In  May  1862, 
the  vessel  was  launched  and  called  the  "  290,"  this  being  the 
29<Dth  vessel  built  by  that  firm.  She  cost  $255,000.  On  July 
29th,  1862,  the  "  290  "  was  finished,  and  sailed  from  Birkenhead, 
out  of  the  Mersey  river,  ostensibly  for  a  trial  trip,  with  a  large 
party  of  ladies  and  gentlemen  aboard,  and  anchored  in  Moelfra 
Bay.  Here  a  tug  met  her,  took  off  the  guests  and  landed  them 
on  shore,  when  the  "  290 "  proceeded  on  her  voyage,  passing 
around  the  north  coast  of  Ireland,  then  set  her  course  for  the 
Island  of  Terceira,  one  of  the  Azores,  where  she  arrived  on 
the  loth  of  August.  In  the  diary  of  one  of  the  officers  of  the 
Alabama,  he  says  :  "  No  sooner  had  our  departure  become  known 
than  the  United  States  Steamer  Tnscarora  received  news  of  it 
through  the  American  Consul  at  Liverpool.  Every  exertion  was 
made  by  her  Commander  to  seize  us,  but  without  avail,  for  by 
the  time  the  Tnscarora  arrived  in  Moelfra  Bay,  we  had  been 
gone  two  days." 

On  the  1 8th  of  August  the  English  barque  Agrippina  arrived 
at  Terceira,  having  on  board  guns,  ammunition,  coal,  stores,  etc., 
for  the  "  290,"  which  cargo  was  transferred  aboard.  On  the 
2Oth,  the  English  steamer  Bahama  arrived,  with  Captain  Raphael 
Semmes  and  other  officers  of  the  Confederate  Navy  as  pas 
sengers.  More  guns  and  stores  were  transferred  from  her  to 
the  "290."  On  Sunday,  August  24th,  the  "290"  was  put  into 
commission  and  named  the  Alabama  by  the  authority  of  the 
Confederate  States  Government. 

About  eighty  men  were  shipped  from  the  three  vessels,  and 
formed  the  nucleus  of  the  crew  until  others  could  be  found 
willing  to  sign  the  articles.  The  Alabama  was  built  for  great 
speed,  and  had  a  hoisting  propeller,  so  that  under  sail  alone, 
she  could  cruise  about,  thus  economizing  fuel,  which  was  a  very 
important  item  with  her. 

On  September  5th,  the  eleventh  day  after  going  into  com. 


THE    FIRST    CRUISE    OF   THE    KEARSARGE  15 

mission,  the  Alabama  captured  her  first  prize,  a  whaling  ship, 
which  was  burned. 

After  cruising  about  the  Azores  for  some  days,  the  Ala 
bama  s  course  was  shaped  toward  New  York,  capturing  on  her 
way  twenty  vessels.  Then  steering  in  a  southerly  direction 
toward  Martinique,  she  captured  two  more  vessels  previous  to 
her  arrival  there  on  the  iSth  of  November. 

She  was  here  blockaded  by  the  United  States  Steamer  San 
Jacinto,  but  escaped  out  of  the  harbor,  at  night,  on  the  next 
day,  the  iQth.  —  The  Alabama  went  from  Martinique  to  the 
southward  to  the  Island  of  Blanquilla,  arriving  there  on  the 
2  ist,  where  she  met  her  store  ship,  the  Agrippina>  from  which 
vessel  she  took  coal  and  stores. 

After  coaling  and  taking  on  stores,  the  Alabama  headed 
northward,  going  through  the  Mona  Passage,  to  the  north  of 
Hayti,  capturing  two  more  vessels  ;  thence  passing  through  the 
Windward  Passage  she  captured  and  ransomed  the  Pacific  mail 
steamer  Ariel,  bound  from  New  York  to  Aspinwall.  After 
lying  in  the  track  of  the  mail  steamers  for  a  few  days,  the  Ala 
bama  went  to  the  Areas  Rocks,  where  she  took  on  more  coal 
from  the  Agrippina,  which  was  there  waiting  for  her.  The 
Confederate  cruiser  finished  taking  coal  on  January  5th,  1863, 
and  hoisted  anchor. 

From  the  mails  captured  on  the  Ariel,  Semmes  obtained  the 
information  that  an  expedition  was  about  to  leave  New  York  to 
make  an  attack  on  Galveston,  Texas.  Semmes  had  calculated 
the  time  for  the  arrival  of  the  transports  at  Galveston,  and  was 
intending  to  surprise  them  at  night,  while  lying  at  anchor, 
and  then  to  steam  through  the  fleet,  pouring  in  shot  and  shell 
from  both  batteries  as  he  went.  But  on  Sunday,  January  nth, 
when  he  approached  the  anchorage,  instead  of  finding  the  trans 
ports  there,  five  vessels  of  war  were  made  out.  Soon  one  of 
them  was  reported  to  be  standing  out  towards  the  Alabama,  and 
after  dark  came  up  with  her.  Answering  her  hail,  the  Alabama 
replied,  "Her  Britannic  Majesty's  Steamer  Petrel.  What  ves- 


1 6  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

sel  is  that  ?"  and  the  answer  came  back —  "The  United  States 
Steamer  Hatteras."  At  the  same  moment  Semmes  replied, 
"  This  is  the  Confederate  Steamer  Alabama,"  and  before  the 
Hatteras  had  fully  heard,  a  broadside  from  the  Alabama's  star 
board  battery  was  given  her  at  a  distance  of  only  fifty  or  sixty 
yards. 

After  twelve  or  fifteen  minutes  of  rapid  firing  from  both 
vessels,  the  Hatteras  was  reported  to  be  sinking,  and  the  firing 
ceased.  Semmes  lowered  his  boats,  and  soon  after,  the  Hatteras 
went  down  stern  first.  The  officers  and  crew  were  taken  aboard 
the  Alabama,  and  paroled  at  Port  Royal,  Jamaica.  The  Hatte 
ras,  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Commander  Blake,  was  a  small 
iron,  side-wheel  gunboat,  formerly  a  merchant  vessel,  and  carried 
a  very  light  battery. 

After  repairing  and  coaling  ship  at  Port  Royal,  the  Alabama 
proceeded  to  the  eastward,  in  the  track  of  vessels  bound  to 
and  from  the  East  Indies,  the  Pacific  and  the  United  States, 
capturing  seven  vessels.  She  then  headed  in  a  southerly  di 
rection  and  along  the  coast  of  Brazil,  touching  at  Fernando  de 
Noronha,  capturing  seven  vessels,  one  of  which,  the  Louisa 
Hatch,  was  loaded  with  one  thousand  tons  of  coal.  This  was 
a  very  fortunate  capture  for  the  Alabama,  as  she  was  short  of 
fuel. 

Semmes  had  ordered  the  Agrippina  to  meet  him  here,  so 
that  he  might  fill  up  with  coal  and  stores,  but  he  decided  to  hold 
on  to  the  Hatch  until  he  made  sure  that  the  Agrippina  had 
arrived.  On  entering  the  harbor  he  did  not  find  the  Agrippina 
there,  and  had  the  Hatch  brought  in,  hauled  alongside,  and  filled 
his  bunkers  from  her.  Just  after  finishing  taking  coal,  two 
American  vessels  were  sighted  in  the  offing.  The  Alabama  got 
up  steam  and  went  out  to  them.  They  proved  to  be  two 
American  whalers,  one  of  which  was  burned  and  the  other 
brought  in  to  anchor. 

Semmes  waited  a  few  days  longer  for  the  Agrippina,  but 
she  not  arriving,  he  went  out,  taking  his  prizes  with  him,  and 


THE    FIRST   CRUISE    OF    THE    KEARSARGE  17 

burnt  them  off  the  island.     On  the  Alabama's  way  from  there 
to  Bahia,  she  captured  four  vessels. 

After  leaving  Bahia,  she  proceeded  in  a  northeasterly  direc 
tion,  then  headed  south,  to  a  little  south  of  Rio  de  Janeiro, 
capturing  seven  vessels,  one  of  which,  the  barque  Conrad,  was 
commissioned  as  the  Tuscaloosa,  and  officered  as  a  tender  to 
the  Alabama.  From  here  her  course  was  set  to  the  eastward 
for  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  capturing  a  vessel  en  route.  On 
July  29th,  she  anchored  in  Saldanha  Bay.  After  remaining  at 
this  port  one  week,  she  put  to  sea,  and  captured  the  bark  Sea 
Bride.  She  next  went  to  Table  Bay,  and  then  to  Simons  Bay, 
where  she  captured,  in  sight  of  the  town  as  she  went  in,  a  bark 
named  the  Martha  Wenzell.  It  was  finally  decided  that  this 
prize  was  inside  the  three  mile  line,  and  she  was  released. 

On  the  28th  of  August,  the  Alabama  anchored  at  Angra 
Piquina,  where  the  prize,  Sea  Bride,  was  sold.  It  was  about 
September  25th,  when  the  Alabama  left  the  Cape  for  a  cruise 
still  farther  to  the  eastward.  After  steering  south  for  a  short 
distance  her  course  was  set  for  the  Straits  of  Sunda,  by  the  way 
of  St.  Paul's  Island.  At  the  entrance  of  the  Straits  she  cap 
tured  a  vessel,  and  after  passing  through  them  she  captured  two 
more.  The  Alabama  next  sailed  as  far  as  the  Island  of  Condor 
in  Siam,  arriving  at  Singapore  on  December  2ist,  1863.  In 
the  Straits  of  Malacca  she  captured  three  vessels,  and  off  the 
coast  of  India,  another. 

Passing  westward,  toward  the  coast  of  Africa,  the  Confederate 
ship  passed  through  the  Mozambique  Channel,  to  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope,  thence  up  towards  St.  Helena,  west,  to  the  coast 
of  Brazil,  then  northerly  again,  capturing  the  Rockingham  April 
23d,  and  the  Tycoon  on  April  2/th.  She  continued  her  course 
to  the  northward,  passed  the  Azores,  then  stood  away  to  the 
northeast  for  the  English  Channel,  and  on  the  nth  day  of 
June,  1864,  arrived  at  Cherbourg,  France,  having  cruised  less 
than  two  years.  Of  the  sixty-six  vessels  captured  by  the  Ala 
bama,  fifty -two  were  burned,  ten  released  on  bond,  the  Hatter  as 


1 8  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS. 

sunk  in  action,  the  Conrad  commissioned  as  a  Confederate 
tender  to  the  Alabama,,  one  was  sold,  and  one  released-  as  an 
unlawful  capture. 

The  damage  inflicted  on  American  shipping  by  the  Confed 
erate  cruisers,  which  were  allowed  to  be  fitted  out  in  England, 
cost  the  English  government  fifteen  million,  five  hundred  thou 
sand  dollars  ($15,500,000)  which  sum  was  paid  to  the  United 
States  in  settlement  of  the  so-called  Alabama  claims. 


ON  Sunday  afternoon,  June  12,  1864,  while  the  Kearsarge 
was  lying  at  anchor  in  the  Scheldt,  off  Flushing,  Holland, 
a  gun  was  fired  from  on  board,  and  the  signal  was  hoisted 
for  everybody  ashore  belonging  to  the  ship  to  return,  at  once  ; 
orders  were  also  given  to  spread  the  fires,  and  to  get  up  steam 
preparatory  to  getting  under  way.  The  anchor  was  hoisted 
and  we  proceeded  to  sea,  when  Captain  Winslow  called  all 
hands  to  muster  on  the  quarter  deck,  and  informed  them  that 
he  had  received  a  telegram  from  Mr.  Dayton,  the  American 
Minister  at  Paris,  that  the  Alabama  was  in  the  harbor  of  Cher 
bourg,  where  we  were  going,  and  he  hoped  to  have  the  oppor 
tunity  of  meeting  her,  and  of  being  able  to  capture  or  destroy 
her. 

This  information  was  received  with  three  rousing  cheers 
from  the  crew,  and  the  men's  eyes  glistened  with  excitement 
and  animation,  at  the  prospect  of  having  a  chance  to  show  of 
what  they  were  made.  They  were  all  eager  for  the  fray. 

On  the  way  to  Cherbourg,  the  crew  wrere  occupied  in  getting 
swords  and  cutlasses  sharp,  and  ready  for  action  ;  the  grind 
stones  being  kept  in  constant  use.  On  the  i4th  of  June  we 
steamed  into  the  harbor  of  Cherbourg  at  the  eastern  entrance, 
taking  a  good  look  at  the  Alabama  as  she  lay  at  anchor.  We 
then  proceeded  out  through  the  western  passage,  and  without 
anchoring,  stood  off  and  on,  outside  the  breakwater ;  keeping  a 
sharp  lookout,  and  waiting  for  the  Confederate  to  come  out. 


THE    FIRST    CRUISE    OF   THE    KEARSARGE  19 

This  was  kept  up  for  five  days ;  the  crew  meantime  drilling  at 
the  guns,  and  seeing  that  everything  was  in  working  order.  On 
Sunday,  June  iQth,  at  10.20  A.  M.,  all  hands  being  at  muster 
on  the  quarter  deck,  and  while  the  Captain  was  reading  the 
Church  service,  the  lookout,  on  the  fore-top-sail  yard,  reported 
to  the  officer  of  the  deck  that  the  Alabama  was  coming  out. 
The  Captain  took  the  trumpet,  called  all  hands  to  quarters,  and 
ordered  the  ship  cleared  for  action. 

Orders  came  to  the  engine  room  to  start  all  the  fires  (we 
had  been  running  under  half  steam)  and  to  prepare  for  action. 
Our  bow  was  turned  a\vay  from  the  shore,  and  we  steamed  out 
toward  the  middle  of  the  English  Channel,  so  that  the  engage 
ment  should  take  place  outside  of  the  three  mile  limit,  and  also 
that  the  Alabama  might  not  be  able  to  run  inshore  in  case  she 
attempted  to  get  away. 

The  Alabama  was  convoyed  to  the  distance  of  three  miles 
from  the  French  coast  by  the  French  ironclad  frigate,  La 
Couronnc,  The  Alabama  then  continued  on  her  course  out, 
while  the  French  frigate  returned  inshore. 

After  Captain  Winslow  was  satisfied  that  the  Alabama  was 
well  outside  French  waters,  the  Kearsarge  was  put  about,  and 
headed  straight  for  her  enemy.  At  very  long  range  the  Ala 
bama  commenced  firing,  thinking  that  she  might  do  us  some 
damage  by  raking  shot ;  but  they  mostly  fell  short,  or  went 
clear,  some  passing  over  us. 

As  we  approached  her,  we  -sheered  off,  giving  her  a  broad 
side  from  our  starboard  battery  at  a  distance  of  about  one  thou 
sand  yards,  intending  to  run  under  her  stern  and  rake  her ;  but, 
perceiving  our  intention,  Semmes  wisely  kept  his  broadside  to 
us,  using  his  starboard  battery.  The  tide  was  setting  to  the 
westward,  and  our  manoeuvering  commenced  a  little  to  the  east 
ward  of  the  harbor,  on  a  circle,  each  vessel  being  on  opposite 
sides.  The  engagement  took  place  on  a  panoramic  plan,  directly 
in  front  of  Cherbourg,  about  six  miles  distant,  in  plain  view  of 
thousands  of  people  that  had  come  to  witness  the  fight  ;  it  hav- 


20  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

ing  been  reported  in   Paris  Saturday  evening  that  we  were  to 
meet  on  Sunday  morning. 

During  the  early  part  of  the  fight,  it  did  not  seem  to  Captain 
Winslow  that  our  shot  or  shell  were  doing  much  damage,  and 
he  decided  to  fight  at  closer  quarters.  We  accordingly  short 
ened  the  distance  between  us,  and  could  then  see,  by  the 
confusion  on  the  enemy's  deck,  that  we  had  not  wasted  our 
ammunition. 

After  an  hour's  fighting,  the  Alabama  attempted  to  set  sail 
and  run  inshore.  The  order  of  four  bells  ("ahead  fast")  was 
given  to  the  engine  room  ;  we  forged  ahead,  and  were  soon  in  a 
position  to  rake  the  enemy  fore  and  aft  ;  but  she  was  too  far 
gone,  and  had  commenced  to  settle  when  she  hauled  down  her 
colors,  soon  showing  a  white  flag  over  her  stern.  Semmes  then 
sent  a  boat  alongside  of  us  to  say  he  had  surrendered.  She 
was  now  about  five  miles  from  shore. 

The  engagement  lasted  one  hour  and  two  minutes,  each  ves 
sel  using  her  starboard  battery,  and  moving  in  a  circle  around  a 
common  centre. 

When  we  brought  her  port  side  into  view,  we  saw  that  where 
our  shell  had  made  only  small  holes  in  entering,  on  exploding 
within,  they  had  opened  large  gaps  in  her  port  side.  Then  the 
Alabama  sank,  going  down  stern  first,  with  her  bow  high  in  the 
air,  leaving  the  crew  struggling  in  the  water.  The  DeerJwnnd, 
an  English  steam  yacht,  which  had  been  lying  at  a  safe  distance 
inshore,  now  steamed  under  our  stern,  and  Captain  Winslow 
requested  her  commander  to  assist  him  in  saving  the  crew,  as 
most  of  our  boats  were  disabled.  (We  had  only  two  that  would 
float,  and  they  were  sent  to  pick  up  the  men.)  WThile  thus  en 
gaged,  it  was  observed  by  the  officers  of  our  vessel  that  the 
Deerhound  was  steaming  towards  the  English  coast,  and  evi 
dently  going  away  with  our  prisoners.  Permission  was  asked 
by  some  of  our  officers  to  heave  her  to.  Winslow  refused,  say 
ing  that  the  commander  of  an  English  yacht  would  not  do  such 
a  thing  as  to  carry  our  prisoners  away,  but  was  only  steaming 


THE    FIRST   CRUISE    OF   THE    KEARSARGE  21 

about,  and  would  return  with  them  to  our  ship ;  but  it  was  not 
so  The  Deerhound  went  off  with  Semmes  and  a  number  of 
his  officers  and  crew,  landing  them  at  Southampton,  England. 

I  will  say  that  our  boats'  crews  were  out,  and  it  might  have 
been  possible  that  the  rescued  men  would  have  overpowered 
them ;  and  it  would  certainly  have  been  a  very  grave  error  to 
have  followed  the  yacht  and  left  the  men  under  such  circum 
stances. 

After  we  had  picked  up  all  the  men  we  could  find  in  the 
water,  and  had  taken  them  from  one  of  the  French  pilot  boats 
that  had  brought  them  alongside  (making  in  all  seventy  men 
and  officers),  we  steamed  into  the  harbor  of  Cherbourg  and 
came  to  anchor. 

Captain  Winslow  sent  an  officer  ashore  to  visit  the  Admiral 
of  the  Port,  in  order  to  obtain  permission  to  land  the  prisoners 
on  parole,  and  also  to  be  permitted  to  send  the  wounded  of  both 
vessels  to  the  Marine  Hospital;  which  was  granted. 

Virtually,  the  Alabama  was  an  English  ship,  with  English 
guns,  manned  by  an  English  crew,  sunk  in  the  English  channel, 
and  Semmes  and  other  officers  were  run  away  with  by  an  Eng 
lish  yacht. 

During  the  engagement,  a  iio-lb.  rifle  shell  entered  the  bul 
warks  and  exploded,  wounding  three  of  our  after  pivot-gun's 
crew ;  but  everybody  was  working  with  such  coolness  and  pre 
cision  that  no  more  notice  was  taken  of  the  casualty  than  to 
have  them  taken  below  to  the  surgeon  on  the  berth-deck,  for 
medical  attendance.  No  other  casualties  befell  our  crew  during 
the  engagement. 

We  never  ascertained  the  losses  on  the  Alabama,  but  judged 
them  to  have  been  twenty  or  more. 

We  were  struck  twenty-eight  times  in  hull  and  rigging, 
which  caused  the  following  damages:  A  no-lb.  rifle  shell 
struck  the  roof  of  the  engine  house,  cutting  it  completely 
through  and  across,  knocking  the  splinters  and  glass  in  all 
directions  into  the  engine  room  below ;  and  it  became  neces- 


22  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

sary  to  set  the  men  to  sweeping  them  up  to  prevent  them  from 
getting  into  the  machinery. 

A  shell  entered  the  smoke-pipe  and  exploded  inside,  tearing 
out  a  space  on  the  port  side  about  three  feet  in  diameter,  cut 
ting  a  boat  hanging  on  the  davits,  full  of  small  holes  with  the 
fragments. 

Another  no-lb.  shell  struck  a  glancing  blow  under  the 
counter  and  deflecting,  entered  the  rudder  post  and  remained 
there,  but  did  not  explode  :  nor  did  it  jam  the  rudder  so  that 
it  could  not  be  used  ;  situated  as  this  shell  was,  it  would  have 
done  us  very  serious  damage  had  it  exploded. 

One  shot  carried  away  the  starboard  life-buoy. 

Three  32-lb.  shot  went  through  the  port  bulwarks  forward 
of  the  mizzen  mast. 

A  shell  exploded  at  the  after  end  of  after-pivot-gun  port. 
Another  shell  exploded  at  the  after  end  of  chain  plating.  Two 
shot  struck  below  the  plank-sheer  abreast  of  the  boiler-room 
hatch,  one  in  the  plank-sheer  of  the  forward-pivot-gun  port, 
one  forward  of  the  fore  rigging,  two  through  the  port  quarter- 
boat,  and  a  number  in  the  shrouds  and  rigging,  doing  more  or 
less  damage. 

To  illustrate  the  effect  of  discipline  aboard  a  man-of-war,  I 
will  relate  an  incident  that  occurred  during  the  fight. 

John  W.  Dempsey,  a  quarter-gunner  who  was  wounded, 
received  a  compound  comminuted  fracture  of  his  right  arm.  As 
he  went  from  the  after-pivot-gun  to  the  hospital,  forward,  with 
his  arm  dangling  by  his  side  and  bleeding  freely,  he  took  his  cap 
from  his  head  and  held  it  under  his  hand  to  prevent  the  deck 
from  being  stained  with  his  blood. 

Before  we  went  into  the  fight,  an  American  flag  was  sent  to 
the  main  truck  in  a  stop  :  at  the  end  of  the  fight,  the  Alabama's 
last  shot  struck  the  halyards,  and  breaking  the  stop,  let  the  flag 
loose  to  the  breeze. 

The  crew  of  each  vessel  was  as  follows :  Kcarsarge,  one  hun 
dred  and  sixty-three,  all  told  ;  the  Alabama,  about  the  same 


THE    FIRST   CRUISE   OF   THE   KEARSARGE  23 

number,  as  near  as  could  be  ascertained  at  the  time,  although 
her  crew  had  numbered  as  high  as  one  hundred  and  seventy,  a 
short  time  before. 

The  Alabama  had  been  in  Cherbourg  a  week  preparing,  and 
had  taken  aboard  three  hundred  and  fifty  tons  of  coal,  which 
brought  her  down  in  the  water  ;  while  the  Kearsargc  had  only 
one  hundred  and  seventy  tons  aboard,  making  her  very  high  out 
of  water. 

The  size  of  the  two  vessels  was  as  follows  : 


ALABAMA. 

KEARSARGE. 

Length  of  keel     . 
Beam 

.     .     .        210  feet 

"J2       " 

199  feet. 

-7,          " 

Depth     
Tonnage 

.       .                17       " 
IO4O 

jj 

17     « 

IO7I 

Armament  : 

4  \_/  J  A 

Kearsarge, 

4  short  32-pounders 

2  ii-in.  smooth  bores  (Dahlgrens) 
i  30-lb.  rifle 
Total     7  guns. 

Alabama,  i  7-in.  Blakely  rifle,  no  Ibs. 

i  8-in.  smooth  bore,  64  Ibs. 
6  long  32-pounders 
Total     8"  guns. 

The  total  number  of  shot  and  shell  fired  by  the  Kearsarge  was 
one  hundred  and  seventy-three,  while  it  was  stated  that  the 
Alabama  fired  about  three  hundred  and  seventy. 

The  repairs  were  all  made  by  our  own  men,  and  we  contin 
ued  cruising  in  the  English  Channel. 

On  August  nth,  1864,  we  left  Dover,  England,  on  our  way 
home,  stopping  at  Fayal  ;  then  running  due  south  to  the  St.  Paul 
Rocks  which  are  situated  about  one  degree  north  of  the  Equator 
and  almost  in  the  middle  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  without  any 
light  or  beacon,  in  fact  nothing  to  mark  their  location. 

We  proceeded  to  the  southward  to  the  Island  of  Fernando  de 
Noronha,  a  penal  settlement  belonging  to  Brazil,  and  then  to 


24  CIVIL  WAR    PAPERS 

off  Rocas  Islands,  northwest  to  Barbadoes  where  we  arrived 
October  23d  ;  thence  to  St.  Thomas,  remaining  three  days. 

While  lying  here  two  steamers  were  sighted  in  the  offing 
showing  the  American  colors.  We  proceeded  out  of  the  har 
bor  and  found  the  U.  S.  Steamer  WacJiusett  on  her  way  to  the 
United  States  with  the  Confederate  Steamer  Florida  which  she 
had  captured  by  boarding,  and  had  taken  out  of  the  harbor  of 
Bahia,  in  Brazil.  We  relieved  her  of  part  of  the  Florida's  crew 
and  brought  them  home  with  us. 

We  arrived  at  Boston  at  five  minutes  after  twelve  o'clock  on 
the  morning  of  Tuesday,  November  8th,  1864,  having  been  two 
years  and  nine  months  away  from  the  United  States.  We  were 
given  a  reception  and  banquet  by  the  city  government  in  Fan- 
euil  Hall,  it  being  the  second  time  its  doors  had  been  thrown 
open  for  a  like  occasion.  The  first  was  in  1812,  when  Captain 
Hull,  commanding  the  frigate  Constitution,  came  into  Boston 
Harbor  with  the  crew  captured  from  the  English  frigate  Guer- 
riere,  which  she  had  destroyed  in  an  engagement  on  the  high 
seas. 

We  were  also  banqueted  at  the  Revere  House  by  the  mer 
chants  of  Boston,  receiving  a  most  enthusiastic  welcome  from 
all.  On  the  28th  of  November,  1864,  the  crew  were  discharged 
and  the  officers  were  detached.  Thus  ended  the  first  cruise  of 
the  Kearsarge,  one  of  the  most  famous  of  American  naval 
steamers. 


AMUSING  THE  ENEMY 


AMUSING  THE   ENEMY 

BY 

LIEUT.-COLONEL    FRANCIS    S.    HESSELTINE,    U.  S.  V. 

THIS  is  a  simple  story,  a  brief  account  of  an  unimpor 
tant  part  of  the  great  contest  in  suppressing  the  rebellion.  I 
come  not  with  a  recital  of  heroic  deeds,  hard  fought  battles, 
brilliant  victories.  The  path  of  duty  does  not  always  lead  to 
the  grandest  heights.  Mine  is  a  "plain  unvarnished  tale" 
relating  to  the  Texas  Coast  Expedition  in  1863. 

To  this  expedition  history  gives  a.  very  small  space.  The 
ten-volume  life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  by  Nicolay  and  Hay,  which 
contains  a  full  account  of  all  the  movements  of  the  armies,  de 
votes  hardly  a  page  to  this  Texas  campaign.  Grant  in  his 
memoirs  still  more  briefly  refers  to  it.  Having  stated  that  on 
August  /tb,  1863,  ne  scnt  to  General  Banks  the  Thirteenth 
Army  Corps,  and  that  he  went  to  New  Orleans  to  confer,  being 
directed  to  co-operate  with  him  in  movements  west  of  the  Miss 
issippi,  he  sums  up  the  whole  event  in  a  word  —  "  All  these 
movements  came  to  naught." 

So  little  is  generally  known  of  this  movement  to  the  Rio 
Grande  and  up  the  coast  of  Texas,  that  I  have  thought  it  not 
altogether  a  vain  task,  though  it  may  fail  in  interest,  to  give  an 
account  of  this  expedition,  its  purpose,  course,  and  accomplish 
ment. 

After  the  fall  of  Vicksburg  and  Port  Hudson  in  July  1863, 
when  the  great  river  went  again  imvexed  by  rebel  guns  and  bar 
ricades  to  the  sea,  Generals  Grant  and  Banks  recommended  an 
immediate  movement  against  Mobile,  but  General  Halleck  re 
fused  his  consent.  August  6th  a  despatch  to  Banks  informed 

27 


28  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

him  that  there  were  important  reasons  why  our  flag  should  be 
established  in  Texas  with  the  least  possible  delay. 

President  Lincoln  wrote  a  confidential  letter  to  General 
Grant  on  August  Qth  saying  of  the  proposal  to  capture  Mobile, 
"  This  would  appear  tempting  to  me  also  were  it  not  that  in  view 
of  recent  events  in  Mexico  I  am  greatly  impressed  with  the  im 
portance  of  re-establishing  the  national  authority  in  western 
Texas  as  soon  as  possible."  In  the  darkest  hours  of  our  strug 
gle  to  suppress  the  rebellion  and  maintain  our  national  existence 
Napoleon  III.,  assisted  for  a  time  by  the  forces  of  Spain  and 
England,  attempted  the  conquest  of  Mexico  under  the  pretence 
of  restoring  order  there.  In  May,  England  and  Spain  having 
withdrawn  their  troops,  the  French  captured  the  capital  and  pro 
ceeded  to  establish  a  government  in  Mexico.  Having  convened 
an  assembly  in  July,  it  declared  for  an  imperial  government, 
and  selected  as  Emperor  the  Archduke  Maximilian  of  Austria. 

General  Banks,  in  obedience  to  the  directions  to  occupy 
Texas,  immediately  made  preparations  to  do  so,  and  on  the  5th 
of  September  sent  an  expedition  under  General  Franklin  to  land 
below  the  Sabine  Pass,  capture  the  fort  at  the  head  of  it,  and 
move  rapidly  to  the  occupation  of  Houston,  the  capital  of  the 
State.  General  Franklin  arranged  for  the  gunboats,  recon 
structed  merchant  vessels,  to  enter  the  Pass  and  attack  the 
fort.  They  ran  aground,  were  exposed  to  fire,  and  surrendered. 
General  Franklin  thereupon  abandoned  the  expedition,  returning 
to  New  Orleans  within  six  days  after  he  sailed. 

Immediately  after  this  lamentable  failure,  on  September  I3th, 
troops  were  transferred  to  Bayou  Teche  for  an  overland  move 
ment  ;  but  after  planning  and  beginning  this  campaign  General 
Banks  came  to  realize  that  the  region  through  which  he  was  to 
march  was  barren,  with  little  water ;  that  it  required  a  march  of 
three  hundred  miles  with  wagon  trains,  and  then  at  the  end,  if 
not  sooner,  he  would  have  to  meet  the  enemy  in  full  force ;  and 
as  he  says,  the  movement  was  necessarily  abandoned  in  conse-' 
quence. 


AMUSING    THE    ENEMY  29 

Generals  Grant,  Sherman,  and  Sheridan  did  not  seek  to  avoid 
the  enemy,  but  marched  where  they  were  to  be  found.  Then 
was  devised  and  organized  by  General  Banks  this  expedition  to 
the  Western  Coast  of  Texas,  and  on  the  26th  of  October,  1863, 
there  sailed  under  command  of  Major-General  Napoleon  J.  F. 
Dana,  General  Banks  accompanying,  a  force  of  about  four 
thousand  men,  being  the  Second  Division  of  the  Thirteenth 
Army  Corps,  to  which  was  attached  the  I3th  and  I5th  Maine 
Infantry  Regiments  of  the  Nineteenth  Army  Corps,  the  first  of 
which  regiments  I  had  the  honor  to  command. 

This  expedition  was  taken  without  the  knowledge  of  the 
authorities  at  Washington,  and  General  Halleck  on  learning  of 
it  immediately  wrote  his  disapproval  to  General  Banks,  who  ex 
cused  it  on  the  ground  that  he  was  directed  to  enter  Texas  at 
once,  and  that  this  was  the  one  safe  line  of  movement.  The 
fleet  was  scattered  by  a  severe  gale  in  the  Gulf,  but  reassembled 
at  the  point  of  destination,  and  on  November  /th  we  landed  with 
out  welcome  on  the  deserted  shores  of  Brazos  Santiago,  a  small 
force  of  the  enemy  retiring.  General  Dana  on  board  ship, 
being  surprised  at  sight  of  a  regiment  drilling  a  few  hours  after 
a  rough  sea  voyage,  sent  off  to  inquire  its  name,  and  then  with 
compliments  to  the  commander  for  its  condition,  gave  the  I3th 
Maine  Regiment  the  honor  of  the  advance.  At  midnight  came 
an  order  for  this  regiment  to  move  at  once  for  the  mouth  of  the 
Rio  Grande,  where  a  small  force  with  difficulty  and  with  some 
loss  had  made  a  landing  by  boats  through  the  surf.  Before  day 
break,  without  equipage  or  rations,  none  having  as  yet  been 
landed,  we  marched  out,  forded  the  Boca-chica,  and  after  several 
hours  suffering  under  the  hot  sun  without  food  or  water,  we 
reached  the  river's  mouth  and  foraged  for  something  to  eat. 
During  the  day,  as  no  rations  had  reached  us  and  it  was  impor 
tant  to  move  on  to  Brownsville  at  once,  with  one  or  two  men  as 
an  escort  I  crossed  the  Rio  Grande  to  Bagdad,  Mexico.  Bagdad 
was  a  small  city  built  of  shanties  occupied  by  Greasers,  Confed 
erates,  blockade  runners,  and  desperadoes.  I  was  warned  as  I 


30  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

landed  to  be  careful  or  I  would  be  shot  down,  but  I  announced 
that  I  came  only  for  provisions,  and  had  left  orders  if  fired  upon, 
and  I  did  not  return  within  an  hour,  for  my  regiment  to  cross  and 
destroy  the  town.  Fortunately  no  such  violation  of  international 
law  took  place. 

I  found  a  shrewd  trader  who  was  willing  to  furnish  rations 
for  my  regiment  and  deliver  them  across  the  river,  on  my  writ 
ten  order  on  the  United  States  Government,  payment  to  be 
made  in  gold  ;  and  I  have  often  wondered  if  Uncle  Sam  honored 
my  draft  when  presented. 

About  sundown  with  haversacks  filled,  the  1st  Missouri 
Light  Artillery  being  joined  to  our  command,  we  began  a  forced 
march  for  Brownsville,  thirty-five  miles  distant.  The  next  fore 
noon,  November  5th,  we  marched  into  Brownsville,  from  which  a 
short  time  before  the  rebel  general  H.  P.  Bee  with  his  troops 
had  retreated  without  firing  a  shot,  after  setting  fire  to  buildings 
and  stores. 

General  Jose  Maria  Cobos,  a  Spaniard  by  birth,  long  a  resident 
of  Mexico,  from  which  he  had  been  banished  the  preceding 
March,  was  residing  at  Brownsville.  He  organized  a  force  prior 
to  our  arrival  to  overcome  a  mob  of  marauders  and  suppress  the 
conflagration.  That  evening  after  our  arrival  he  crossed  the 
river  with  his  men,  took  possession  of  Matamoras,  issued  a  grand 
iloquent  proclamation  assuming  the  government  and  imprisoned 
Senor  Don  Manuel  Ruiz,  military  Governor  of  Tamaulipas, 
and  his  officers.  That  night  the  I3th  Maine  Regiment  encamped 
in  Fort  Brown,  famous  for  its  defence  against  the  attacks  of  the 
Mexican  army  during  the  Mexican  war,  and  named  from  Major 
Brown  who  was  killed  there.  My  headquarters  \vere  a  few 
boards  leaning  against  the  parapet,  my  couch  a  blanket  on  the 
ground.  All  night  the  Mexican  bands  celebrated  the  revolution 
of  General  Cobos.  The  next  morning  at  eight  o'clock  I  heard 
across  the  river  the  volley  that  shot  him  ;  another  successful 
revolution  under  General  Cortinas  having  occurred  very  early, 
and  Cobos  after  a  trial  occupying  but  a  few  minutes  was  con- 


AMUSING   THE   ENEMY  31 

demned  and  executed.  The  former  Governor  Ruiz  was  then 
released,  but  fled  to  Brownsville  for  our  protection. 

On  November  1 3th,  with  a  Mexican  guide,  the  1 3th  Maine 
Regiment  marched  for  Point  Isabel,  thirty-one  miles  distant,  with 
orders  to  report  there  to  General  Ransom,  who  had  embarked 
with  troops  at  that  point.  We  marched  as  before  in  light  order, 
our  tents  and  baggage  not  having  reached  us.  We  bivouacked 
for  the  night  near  the  famous  battle-fields  of  Resaca  de  la  Palma 
and  Palo  Alto,  and  being  misled  by  our  guide,  wandered,  suffer 
ing  for  water  over  the  arid  sandy  country,  reaching  Point  Isabel 
about  four  o'clock,  where  we  occupied  a  church  overlooking 
the  sea.  Here  I  first  met  and  came  under  the  command  of 
Brigadier-General  T.  E.  G.  Ransom,  a  most  genial,  generous  and 
gallant  officer.  He  so  distinguished  himself  by  his  reckless 
bravery  at  Shiloh,  exciting  the  admiration  of  General  Grant,  that 
he  won  his  promotion.  He  was  severely  wounded  later  at 
Pleasant  Hills.  Then  having  been  transferred  to  the  northwest 
he  died  while  in  command  of  the  Seventeenth  Army  Corps  on  the 
march  to  the  sea,  near  Rome,  Georgia.  General  Sherman  es 
teemed  him  most  highly,  and  gave  to  the  St.  Louis  Grand  Army 
Post  the  name  of  his  beloved  officer. 

On  November  i6th,  the  I3th  and  I5th  Maine  Regiments 
and  two  companies  of  the  2Oth  Iowa  Infantry,  with  two  boat 
howitzers,  in  charge  of  Ensign  Henry  Grinnell,  afterward  Lieu 
tenant  United  States  Navy,  and  later  an  officer  with  the  rank  of 
Admiral  in  the  Japanese  Navy,  now  a  companion  of  this  com- 
mandery,  the  whole  force  under  the  command  of  General  Ransom, 
sailed  for  Corpus  Christi.  Being  unable  to  cross  the  bar  into 
the  bay,  about  sunset  we  landed  at  the  south  end  of  Mustang 
Island  and  made  a  rapid  night  march  up  the  beach,  the  I3th 
Maine  Regiment  in  advance,  with  a  line  of  skirmishers  in  front, 
to  capture  the  Confederate  works  at  Aransas  Pass,  one  of  the 
inlets  to  Corpus  Christi  Bay. 

Never  shall  I  forget  the  weird  beauty  of  that  silent  night 
march  along  the  smooth  white  sands  of  the  beach,  with  the  con- 


32  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

tinual  roll  and  solemn  beat  of  the  dark  waters  of  the  Gulf  against 
the  shore.  The  waning  moon  shedding  a  dim  benignant  light, 
the  North  Star  beckoning  us  to  the  mysterious  uncertainty 
beyond,  —  a  glorious  struggle,  victory,  captivity,  or  death. 

General  Ransom  sent  an  orderly  to  order  a  halt  but  he  could 
not  reach  us  until  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  when  having 
marched  eighteen  miles,  we  dropped  down  on  the  sand  and 
rested  an  hour  until  daybreak,  then  pushed  forward  again,  driv 
ing  in  the  enemy's  skirmishers.  The  I3th  Maine  by  its  rapid 
movement  marched  far  in  advance  of  the  rest  of  our  forces,  fol 
lowed  by  the  I5th  Maine  Regiment.  The  2Oth  Iowa  did  not 
get  up  until  after  the  capture.  Deploying,  we  followed  close 
on  their  picket  lines,  fairly  surprising  the  enemy  ;  and  as  we 
rushed  over  their  works,  they  raised  the  white  flag  of  surrender. 

General  Ransom,  in  his  report  of  the  affair,  see  page  426, 
vol.  26,  Record  War  of  the  Rebellion,  says,  "  I  desire  par 
ticularly  to  make  honorable  mention  of  Colonel  Isaac  Dyer,  Com 
mander  of  the  1 5th  Maine  Regiment,  and  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Hesseltine  commanding  the  I3th  Maine  Infantry,  who  were 
untiring  in  their  efforts  to  encourage  their  men  and  urge  them 
forward,"  and  I  hope  I  may  be  pardoned  for  repeating  these 
words  from  General  Ransom's  report.  "  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Hesseltine  was  the  first  man  to  land  through  the  surf  and  plant 
his  colors  on  the  island."  Here  I  obtained  my  favorite  horse 
Zip  that  did  good  service  afterwards  in  Virginia,  and  went  to  my 
home  in  Maine  after  the  war.  The  rebel  major's  saddle,  a  huge 
Texan  affair,  the  star  on  it  denoting  his  rank,  I  still  preserve  as 
a  memento. 

On  November  22nd,  General  Ransom  in  obedience  to  the 
orders  of  Major-General  C.  C.  Washburn  now  commanding  this 
division,  crossed  Aransas  Pass  and  moved  eight  miles  up  St. 
Joseph  Island  to  Cedar  Bayou,  which  separates  St.  Joseph  from 
Matagorda  Island.  Here  our  advance  had  difficulty  with  a  small 
force,  and  Major  Charles  Hill  commanding  the  Confederate 
forces  was  killed.  A  severe  norther  delayed  our  crossing  for  two 


AMUSING   THE    ENEMY  33 

days,  then  we  were  ferried  across  and  moved  up  the  island  for 
the  capture  of  Fort  Esperanza,  at  the  north  end  of  the  island 
commanding  Pass  Cavallo  to  Matagorda  Bay. 

On  November  2 7th  we  drove  the  enemy  into  their  works, 
threw  up  an  earthwork,  mounted  one  or  two  guns,  opened  fire, 
and  began  to  dig  our  way  towards  the  fort  preparatory  to 
assault.  I  received  orders  to  command  a  night  expedition  across 
Espirito  Santo  Bay,  to  capture  a  one  gun  earthwork  on  Bayucos 
Island  and  prevent  the  retreat  of  the  Confederates,  but  another 
severe  norther  delayed  the  movement,  and  on  the  night  of  the 
28th  we  were  startled  by  heavy  explosions  caused  by  the  enemy 
blowing  up  some  of  their  magazines  before  retreating.  The 
fort  was  a  strong  work,  mounting  one  128-pounder  Columbiad, 
and  seven  24-pounder  siege  guns.  At  this  point  orders  came 
from  General  Banks  at  New  Orleans  that  a  further  advance  of 
our  troops  would  bring  down  the  concentrated  forces  of  the 
enemy,  and  that  we  must  be  largely  reinforced  before  such  ad 
vance  was  made  ;  "that  in  the  meantime  the  commanding 
general  desires  that  you  scout  actively  all  the  country  in  your 
front  and  press  your  scouts  in  the  direction  of  Caney  Creek  and 
make  demonstration  with  a  view  to  amuse  and  confuse  the 
enemy."  We  had  no  cavalry  force  ;  on  one  side  was  Matagorda 
Bay,  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  on  the  other ;  in  front  a  long  narrow 
peninsula  extending  nearly  sixty  miles  to  Caney  River.  We 
knew  little  of  the  position  or  strength  of  the  enemy.  How  was 
it  supposed  that  we  could  "  scout  actively  and  amuse  and  confuse 
the  enemy."  I  will  give  a  brief  account  of  one  attempt  to  do 
this.  On  the  evening  of  December  28th,  orders  came  to  me  from 
General  Ransom  to  detail  one  hundred  men  under  the  command 
of  a  captain  to  go  aboard  the  gunboat  Granite  City,  which  would 
go  up  the  coast  in  the  night,  and  at  early  daylight  land  the 
force  near  the  head  of  Matagorda  peninsula  with  instructions  to 
reconnoitre,  ascertain  about  the  Confederate  force  there,  then 
march  down  and  cut  off  a  company  of  Confederate  cavalry  scour 
ing  the  peninsula.  I  immediately  went  to  the  General's  head- 


34  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

quarters  to  confer  about  this  strange  order  to  land  one  hundred 
unmounted  men  sixty  miles  from  our  army  near  an  unknown 
force  of  the  enemy.  General  Ransom  replied  that  the  order  had 
come  from  General  Washburn,  the  division  commander,  and 
that  while  he  questioned  the  wisdom  of  it,  the  instructions  must 
be  carried  out.  I  then  claimed  the  right,  if  one  hundred  of  my 
men  were  to  be  sent  on  such  a  wild  expedition,  to  command  them 
in  person.  My  request  was  granted,  and  that  night  the  men  were 
embarked  on  the  Granite  City,  General  Ransom  accompanying 
on  the  gunboat  Sciota,  commanded  by  Lieutenant  George  H.  Per 
kins,  now  a  resident  of  Boston,  a  member  of  this  Commandery.1 
About  daylight  in  a  foggy  mist,  the  shore  hardly  discernible, 
we  were  landed  on  the  beach.  Immediately  after  a  norther, 
which  beats  down  the  sea,  one  can  land  on  this  shore,  but  very 
soon  after  the  wind  changes,  the  waves  roll  in,  the  surf  breaks, 
and  no  boat  can  approach  the  beach.  The  last  boat  reached  the 
shore  with  difficulty  and  was  nearly  swamped.  We  were  now 
in  an  unknown  place  at  least  fifty  miles  from  our  army,  with  no 
means  of  communication  with  the  gunboats  ;  we  were  in  obedi 
ence  to  orders  to  " amuse"  if  not  to  "confuse  the  enemy." 

The  Sciota,  with  General  Ransom  on  board,  went  farther  up 
opposite  the  Brazos  River  to  reconnoitre,  and  soon  we  heard  her 
guns  firing  on  the  enemy's  works.  We  had  landed  near  the 
house  of  an  old  man  who  had  lost  two  sons  in  the  rebellion ;  we 
found  here,  and  took  possession  of  several  boarding  pikes  which 
had  floated  ashore  from  the  wreck  of  the  U.  S.  Steamer  Hat- 
teras,  sunk  in  the  Gulf  by  the  Alabama.  Having  sent  an 
officer  with  a  small  force  farther  up  the  peninsula  for  informa 
tion,  we  ascertained  that  we  had  landed  within  a  few  miles  of 
the  whole  Confederate  army,  who  would  doubtless  soon  learn  of 
our  position  and  come  down  upon  us.  Deploying  my  small 
force  across  the  peninsula  we  moved  down,  driving  in  front  of  us 
Captain  Henderson's  company  of  Confederate  scouts,  who  lower 
down  abandoned  their  horses  and  escaped  in  boats  across  the 

1  Since  deceased. 


AMUSING    THE    ENEMY  35 

bay.  We  secured  a  couple  of  their  horses  and  I  was  again  a 
mounted  officer.  Now  and  then  we  saw  hovering  in  our  rear 
and  watching  us,  a  small  body  of  cavalry.  About  i  o'clock  we 
passed,  and  halted  for  an  hour  near,  an  old  German  farmer's 
house.  Both  he  and  his  wife  were  very  pressing  in  their  invita 
tions  for  me  and  my  officers  to  come  to  his  house  and  dine. 
They  seemed  too  urgent  and  we  declined,  but  the  old  lady 
brought  us  down  an  abundant  repast,  evidently  seeking  to  de 
tain  us  with  good  fare.  I  afterwards  learned  that  some  of  the 
Confederate  scouts  were  concealed  in  their  house  and  that  they 
sought  our  delay  and  capture. 

We  had  proceeded  but  a  short  distance  after  our  halt  and 
meal  when  the  continued  whistling  of  the  Granite  City  that 
followed  us  down  the  coast  gave  warning  of  a  danger  which  as 
yet  was  not  apparent.  Soon  she  opened  with  her  guns,  firing 
at  the  approaching  enemy.  After  a  \vhile  with  the  aid  of  my 
glass  I  could  see  the  advance  of  a  large  body  of  cavalry  gallop 
ing  down  in  pursuit.  The  sea  was  too  rough  for  accurate  firing 
from  the  gunboat,  and  their  shell  did  not  retard  the  pursuing 
forces.  In  a  short  time  they  ceased  firing  altogether.  On 
came  the  enemy,  their  long  column  uncoiling  like  some  huge 
serpent  drawing  continually  nearer  to  our  small  band,  ready  to 
spring  upon  and  destroy  it.  Far  back  the  whole  peninsula  was 
alive  with  mounted  men  coming  at  full  trot.  The  rear  of  the 
column  could  not  be  seen.  The  force  as  we  afterwards  learned, 
was  a  brigade  of  Confederate  cavalry,  the  ist  Texas  Regiment 
Mounted  Rifles  and  a  Texas  Cavalry  Regiment,  Colonel  R.  R. 
Brown,  all  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Buchel,  a  former 
officer  in  the  Prussian  Army.  They  came  on  gayly,  confident 
of  their  prey,  a  party  apparently  too  small  to  offer  resistance,  and 
too  far  from  its  base  to  hope  for  aid,  out  on  an  open  plain  with 
no  possible  way  of  escape.  I  rallied  my  men  and  continued  the 
march,  allowing  the  Confederates  to  approach  quite  near  to  my 
line,  when  at  command  the  company  halted,  the  rear  rank  faced 
about  and  opened  fire.  It  was  a  reception  they  had  not  antici- 


36  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

pated  ;  one  or  two  dropped  from  their  saddles,  others  hugged 
their  horses'  necks,  and  a  large  detachment  began  to  move 
towards  the  bay  on  the  right  out  of  range,  to  get  below  and  cut 
off  our  line  of  retreat.  I  ordered  the  company  forward  again. 
One  of  my  officers  remonstrated,  declaring  that  we  might  as 
well  fight  and  die  there  as  anywhere.  Repeating  the  command 
forward,  the  march  wras  resumed.  I  confess  I  did  not  at  first 
know  what  to  do.  I  wanted  time  to  think.  I  could  see  no 
way  of  escape.  It  was  hopeless  to  fight  there  in  the  open  plain, 
retreat  was  impossible,  and  soon  our  line  of  march  would  be  cut 
off. 

Unwilling  to  surrender  while  there  was  a  single  chance,  I 
looked  and  sought  to  find  that  chance,  and  whether  there  was 
anything  to  do  but  halt  and  resist  the  enemy.  At  one  time 
I  did  form  a  square,  intending  to  receive  their  charge,  but  as 
they  moved  out  of  range  to  get  below  us  I  ordered  the  retreat 
again.  There  appeared  no  possible  line  of  escape,  but  no  man 
should  ever  despair.  One  can  always  find  a  way  or  make  it. 
Need  I  say  I  looked  up  for  wisdom  and  guidance,  and  rode  on  a 
little  in  advance  to  seek  the  means  of  escape  for  which  I  prayed  ? 
Soon,  glancing  ahead,  it  flashed  upon  me  like  an  inspiration.  A 
short  distance  beyond  there  was  a  bayou  extending  into  the  pen 
insula  from  the  bay,  which  formed  a  wide  marsh,  reaching  quite 
near  to  the  Gulf  side  where  we  were.  I  noticed  that  trunks  of 
trees,  branches  and  drift  stuff  were  strewn  along  the  shore.  I 
rode  back  and  instructed  the  men  that  when  opposite  this  place 
they,  at  command,  were  to  rush  on  to  the  beach,  drop  their  guns 
and  pile  up  a  barricade  of  the  trunks  and  drift  stuff  on  the  sand 
ridge  which  extended  some  hundred  feet  back  from  the  water, 
and  to  be  ready  to  seize  their  guns  again  at  the  signal  announ 
cing  the  approach  of  the  enemy.  It  was  done  quickly,  every 
man  working  with  renewed  energy  and  confidence.  The  Con 
federates  came  down  with  a  yell,  thinking  we  were  demoralized 
and  had  broken  ranks.  They  formed  opposite  us,  as  many  and 
as  well  as  the  nature  of  the  ground  would  allow,  and  began  to 


AMUSING   THE   ENEMY  37 

advance  for  a  charge.  They  caught  sight,  as  they  drew  near, 
of  our  strange  rough  work  looming  above  the  sand  ridge,  and 
halted  just  out  of  range,  evidently  surprised  at  this  sudden 
erection,  and  sent  up  a  reconnoitering  force  to  inspect  the  work. 
At  command  every  man  took  possession  of  his  rifle,  and  at  the 
order  when  within  range  opened  fire  upon  the  party.  Some  of 
them  rode  back  to  report,  and  then  they  began  to  ford  the  bayou 
to  get  down  to  the  beach  below.  They  reformed  on  the  beach 
to  charge  upon  our  flank,  but  before  they  could  reach  us  on  that 
side  a  barricade  from  the  sand  ridge  to  the  water  had  been  piled 
up  as  if  by  magic,  every  man  and  officer  working  with  a  will, 
and  soon  we  were  enclosed  on  three  sides  by  a  rough  work  with 
gnarled  roots  and  branches  projecting,  forming  such  an  abatis 
as  no  horseman  would  care  to  charge  against. 

Would  they  dismount  and  attempt  our  capture,  was  the 
question.  They  were  numerous  enough,  and  if  they  had  the 
will  could  do  it  perhaps.  Darkness  came  on.  The  Granite 
City  sent  a  boat  in  as  near  as  they  could  to  the  beach  and 
shouted  to  ask  if  they  could  render  assistance,  but  communica 
tion  was  impossible  and  the  boat  returned.  To  encourage  the 
men,  and  for  a  challenge  to  dispirit  the  enemy,  I  ordered  three 
rousing  cheers,  which  were  given  with  a  will,  and  which  the 
enemy  heard,  as  we  afterwards  learned  from  their  report  of  the 
affair.  After  a  while  we  saw  the  lights  of  the  Sciota  returning. 
The  Granite  City  sent  up  signal  lights  and  rockets.  The  Sciota 
ran  down,  communicated  with  the  Granite  City,  and  that  boat 
went  off  down  towards  the  point,  sent  as  we  inferred,  for  relief. 
The  Sciota  ran  in  as  near  as  she  could  opposite  our  position  and 
anchored.  Through  the  mist  her  lights  looked  a  mile  away  ; 
she  could  not  communicate  with  us,  but  Captain  Perkins  fired  a 
shot  to  announce  his  presence  and  to  assure  us  that  he  would 
stay  by  us.  We  built  fires  on  each  flank  to  let  him  know  our 
position,  and  without  what  lines  he  could  aim  his  guns,  if  he 
opened  fire.  We  continued  at  work  strengthening  our  bar 
ricade,  digging  and  throwing  the  sand  up  into  it. 


38  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

Every  man  was  assigned  to  his  post,  which  he  was  not  to 
quit  for  the  night.  Pickets  were  sent  out  to  watch  and  give 
warning  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  as  we  did  not  doubt 
that  they  would  dismount  and  make  a  night  attack.  We  suf 
fered  with  thirst  and  dug  in  the  sand,  obtaining  a  little  brackish 
water ;  the  soldiers  rested  their  backs  against  the  barricade 
ready  for  instant  action.  The  gallant  Captain  Perkins  walked 
the  bridge  on  his  gunboat  and  kept  his  men  at  quarters  all 
night,  his  ship  lying  close  in,  the  surf  breaking  all  around  her. 
He  lent  us  the  moral  force  of  his  presence,  though  in  case  of  a 
close  fight  he  could  do  little  to  aid  us. 

When  at  one  time  our  fires  were  suffered  to  become  low, 
they  lost  heart  on  the  gunboat,  and  declared  that  we  must  have 
given  up  and  surrendered.  Shortly  after  midnight  our  pickets 
opened  fire  and  ran  in  announcing  the  approach  of  the  enemy. 
A  dark  column  of  men  on  foot  appeared  moving  on  our  left 
flank.  We  opened  fire  as  they  approached  and  instantly  the 
Sciota  slipped  her  anchor  and  fifty  fathoms  of  chain  which  she 
had  out,  turned  broadside  to,  and  fired  in  the  direction  in  which 
the  flash  of  our  guns  indicated  that  the  enemy  were  approach 
ing.  The  attacking  force,  finding  us  prepared,  broke  and  re 
tired,  troubling  us  no  more  that  night  ;  later  the  moon  broke 
through  the  clouds,  lending  us  her  uncertain  light.  The  morn 
ing  brought  no  additional  cheer  or  hope ;  a  thick  fog  hid  both 
friend  and  foe.  We  could  not  see  a  hundred  feet  away.  Pickets 
sent  out  reported  that  appearances  indicated  that  the  main  force 
had  gone  down  the  peninsula  and  that  only  a  few  scouts  were  in 
our  immediate  front.  The  enemy  doubtless  having  us  cut  off 
had  gone  below  to  meet  any  relieving  force,  and  were  waiting 
for  us  to  come  out  and  surrender.  Our  rations  were  exhausted 
and  we  were  suffering  with  thirst.  There  was  no  cavalry  at 
the  point  and  probably  from  the  report  which  came  by  the 
Granite  City  of  our  condition  it  would  be  considered  useless  to 
attempt  our  rescue ;  no  troops  could  be  landed  and  we  would  be 
compelled  to  surrender  long  before  infantry  could  reach  us.  In 


AMUSING  THE   ENEMY  39 

fact  the  gunboat  Granite  City  reported  that  the  force  of  the 
enemy  was  overwhelming  and  that  we  were  no  doubt  captured, 
and  it  was  so  reported  to  the  headquarters  at  New  Orleans. 
The  few  horses  at  the  point,  some  thirty,  were  mounted  and 
sent  up  the  peninsula  but  were  driven  back.  About  noon  the 
fog  lifted,  the  sun  appeared,  and  we  caught  glimpses  of  the  old 
MonongaJiela,  Captain  Strong,  far  off  from  shore,  with  the  gun 
boat  Estrella  steaming  up  from  the  point.  There  was  no  rescue 
possible,  as  no  boat  could  approach  the  beach.  Later  we  dis 
cerned  the  Confederate  gunboat  J.  G.  Carr\x\  the  bay  steaming 
from  the  direction  of  Matagorda  City.  As  she  approached  I 
could  read  her  name  with  my  glass,  and  see  her  decks  crowded 
with  soldiers.  She  had  on  board  an  infantry  force  sent  over  to 
aid  in  our  capture.  When  opposite  our  position  she  opened  fire 
with  shot  and  shell  ;  fortunately  only  a  few  of  the  shell  that 
dropped  around  and  near  us  exploded,  and  as  we  were  protected 
behind  our  wall  no  one  was  injured.  About  three  o'clock,  as 
there  was  no  prospect  of  relief,  and  no  force  could  be  seen  in 
our  immediate  front,  it  being  useless  to  remain  there  longer 
without  rations  and  no  prospect  of  rescue,  I  decided  that  we 
must  go  out  and  try  to  force  our  way  down  the  peninsula. 
This  was  our  only  hope  of  escape.  I  divided  my  force  into  two 
companies,  sending  in  advance  one-half  with  skirmishers  under 
the  command  of  a  brave  officer,  Captain  R.  B.  Grover,  now  of 
Brockton,  leaving  a  few  men  for  a  while  to  build  fires  and  work 
conspicuously  on  the  fort  to  deceive  the  enemy  :  the  remaining 
force  moved  out  about  a  mile  in  rear  of  the  advance.  The  men 
went  out  singly,  concealing  themselves  from  the  enemy  by  mov 
ing  low  under  the  cover  of  the  sand  ridge.  The  instructions 
were  if  the  advance  platoon  was  attacked  they  were  to  fall  back 
on  us  who  would  throw  up  a  barricade,  and  if  we  were  attacked 
we  were  to  join  them,  who  would  prepare  a  like  protection.  The 
enemy  were  deceived  and  continued  firing  at  the  work  after  our 
departure.  Even  on  the  Sciota  they  did  not  divine  our  purpose 
to  abandon  the  work,  supposing  that  a  force  of  sharp-shooters 


40  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

had  been  sent  out  to  open  fire  on  the  troops  aboard  the  gunboat, 
and  remained  at  anchor. 

Night  came  on  and  some  distance  ahead  we  saw  a  light  like  a 
camp  fire.  We  reconnoitered  and  found  the  remains  of  a  house 
set  on  fire  by  the  enemy  in  punishment  for  assistance  rendered 
by  the  owner  to  the  mounted  men  sent  up  from  the  Point  and 
driven  back  the  day  before.  Here  at  the  well  the  boys  for  the 
first  time  were  able  to  fill  their  canteens.  About  nine  o'clock 
the  most  terrible  norther  yet  experienced,  a  perfect  blizzard, 
struck  us.  Only  those  who  have  experienced  a  norther  on  the 
Texas  Coast  know  anything  of  the  fierceness  and  penetrating 
power  of  the  freezing  wind.  It  pierces  all  garments,  and  out  of 
doors  there  is  no  escape  from  its  chilling  grasp.  Men  and 
cattle  exposed  perish  before  its  deadly  breath.  We  suffered 
much  in  our  camps  during  this  campaign.  We  took  the  skins 
of  cattle  killed  for  food  and  stretched  them  over  stakes  for 
shelter ;  we  dug  holes  in  the  sand,  building  some  cover  over 
them ;  we  had  devised  every  way  in  vain  for  protection  from 
this  fiend.  Now  it  was  our  welcome  friend,  possibly  our  de 
liverer.  The  foe  would  hide  from  its  fury  ;  we  rugged  men  from 
the  Pine  Tree  State  would  march  as  long  as  it  was  possible. 
By  eleven  o'clock  the  exhausted  men  could  go  no  farther  and 
we  hugged  the  ground  as  closely  as  we  could  under  the  lea  of 
the  sand  ridge.  After  two  hours  flesh  and  blood  could  not  en 
dure  the  cold ;  the  water  in  my  canteen  was  frozen,  and  I 
allowed  the  men  to  build  and  hover  round  fires  which,  as  a 
caution,  I  had  at  first  forbidden.  Still  the  men  were  freezing. 
By  chance  we  had  halted  near  a  house  just  behind  a  ridge, 
which  the  light  of  the  fire  disclosed.  Forcing  our  way  with 
difficulty  against  the  gale  we  reached  the  house,  aroused  its 
inmates,  two  young  women  and  two  children;  they  hesitated, 
and  refused  us  admission  until  assured  that  we  meant  no  harm, 
and  that  they  should  be  protected.  Assigning  them  a  room 
under  a  guard,  we  built  a  fire  in  the  fire-place  and  thawed  out 
the  men  before  it.  The  girls  in  the  morning  got  the  officers  a 


AMUSING   THE   ENEMY  41 

good  breakfast  of  corn-cake,  meat,  eggs,  etc.,  the  men  baking 
some  sweet  potatoes.  While  at  breakfast  we  were  startled  by 
the  firing  of  cannon  and  immediately  formed  on  the  beach. 
Far  up  the  coast  the  Estrella,  as  we  afterwards  learned,  was 
firing  on  the  Confederate  gun-boat  in  the  bay.  The  Granite 
City  could  be  seen  anchored  below  us,  but  she  did  not  know 
our  whereabouts  and  did  not  discover  our  signals  to  her ;  the 
gale  continued  but  we  resumed  our  march.  About  3  o'clock  P.M., 
when  some  twenty  miles  from  Decrow's  Point,  lookouts  on  the 
Sciota  which  was  then  steaming  down,  discovered  us,  signalled, 
and  sent  in  to  attempt  to  take  us  off.  The  tars  pulled  in  as 
near  as  they  could,  then  jumping  overboard  held  the  boats  till 
we  waded  out  to  them,  then  pushed  off  and  with  great  labor  got 
out  through  the  heavy  surf,  repeating  the  service  until  all  were 
taken  off.  As  we  approached  the  Sciota,  the  tars  manned  the 
rigging  and  gave  three  cheers,  which  we  heartily  returned. 
General  Ransom  assisted  the  men  on  board  and  heartily  shook 
every  man's  hand  as  he  reached  the  deck  ;  all  the  officers  gave 
us  a  royal  welcome,  and  the  tars  in  like  manner  the  soldiers. 
Double  rations  were  issued.  Another  chain  and  anchor  were 
lost  in  getting  under  way.  In  the  heavy  sea  it  was  impossible 
to  weigh  it.  Shortly  after  the  lookout  reported  a  large  force 
of  cavalry  moving  up  the  beach  ;  there  in  plain  sight  was  our 
late  foe  returning.  The  gun-boat  had  discovered  and  taken  us 
off  none  too  soon.  That  night  was  a  bitter  cold  one,  the  se 
verity  of  the  norther  increased,  water  freezing  several  inches 
thick,  but  we  were  safe,  comfortably  housed  and  cared  for  in 
the  good  Sciota.  In  the  cabin  that  night  we  had  a  rejoicing, 
watching  out  the  old  and  welcoming  in  the  New  Year,  1864. 

The  next  day  we  entered  the  harbor  and  landed.  With  a 
brief  intermission  the  gale  continued  until  January  5th,  causing 
great  suffering  and  the  deaths  of  many  horses  and  mules  from 
exposure  and  want  of  forage.  I  turned  my  horses  loose,  either 
to  find  food  by  grazing  or  to  perish.  When  the  storm  ceased, 
we  obtained  from  a  Confederate  deserter  papers  containing  their 


42  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

account  of  the  affair.  It  appeared  that  the  rebel  boat./.  G.  Carr 
had  on  board  Captain  Rugeley's  company  from  Matagorda  City, 
who  landed  after  dark  to  capture  us,  and  that  many  perished, 
frozen  to  death.  Some  years  after  the  war  I  met  in  the  State 
of  Georgia  a  Southern  lady  who  at  the  time  lived  in  Matagorda 
and  learned  that  Captain  Rugeley's  command  was  a  company  of 
home  guards,  composed  of  the  best  young  men  of  Matagorda. 
About  thirty  were  lost.  A  few  who  survived  came  to  the  fires 
which  we  had  left  when  we  abandoned  the  work,  to  surrender. 
I  give  this  brief  extract  from  the  "  Tri-Weekly  Telegraph  of 
Houston." 

CAMP  WHARTON,  Dec.  31,  1863. 

We  have  had  considerable  excitement  within  the  past  twenty-four  hours. 
The  Yankees  landed  at  Caney  River  on  the  2Qth  inst.  Their  force  was  about 
three  hundred.  They  marched  down  the  beach  to  entrap  the  Houston  videttes; 
they  were  pursued  by  Buchel ;  then  entrenched  themselves  on  the  lower  side  of  a 
marsh  behind  drift-wood,  and  cheered  lustily.  Buchel  approached,  but  deeming 
it  too  hazardous  to  charge  them  under  the  circumstances,  retreated,  after  ex 
changing  some  shots  in  which  we  had  five  or  six  wounded,  we  having  had  bad 
luck  in  this  game.  VIDETTE 

CAMP  WHARTON,  Jan.  2,  '64. 

Captain  Rugeley  embarked  with  some  forty  or  fifty  men  in  their  small  boats 
during  the  night.  Shortly  after  they  started,  a  severe  norther  sprang  up  which 
was  so  severe  as  to  swamp  the  frail  barks,  and  the  brave  men  who  had  thus  risked 
their  lives  to  rescue  their  comrades  were  buffeted  about  the  bay  all  night.  Next 
day  some  twenty  reached  the  shore  in  safety,  but  almost  frozen  to  death,  as  the 
day  wras  a  bitter  cold  one.  The  day  passed,  and  the  night  was  freezing  cold  ;  the 
next  morning,  New  Year's  Day,  fourteen  were  found,  but  Oh,  God  1  How  ?  In 
the  beach,  drowned  and  frozen.  How  horrible  to  think  that  fourteen  young  and 
brave  men  should  meet  with  such  a  death. 

This  is  the  most  horrible  calamity  that  has  occurred  on  the  coast  of  Texas 
during  the  wrar.  VIDETTE. 

The  following  is  extracted  from  Colonel  Buchel' s  report : 

HEADQUARTERS,  2d  BRIGADE,  2d  DIVISION. 

Dec.  3ist,  1863. 
DEAR  SIR:  — 

I  have  the  honor  to  report  that  on  the  morning  of  the  2Qth  inst.  I  received 
intelligence  of  the  arrival  of  two  or  three  gunboats  near  the  works  being  erected 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Caney,  and  of  the  landing  of  a  force  of  men.  I  immediately 


AMUSING   THE    P:NEMY  43 

started  with  the  two  regiments  under  my  command,  and  proceeded  down  the 
peninsula  for  the  purpose  of  saving  Captain  Henderson's  squad  of  exempts  and 
my  scouts,  as  I  had  no  doubt  that  these  men  had  been  landed  with  a  view  to  cut 
them  off  and  capture  them.  I  proceeded  in  a  trot  and  gallop  until  I  had  over 
taken  the  enemy,  who  had  moved  down  the  peninsula  from  the  place  of  landing 
about  eight  miles.  The  gunboat  which  accompanied  them  awaited  our  approach 
about  two  miles  below  where  they  had  landed,  and  when  within  shelling  distance 
she  opened  on  us  with  shell,  rifle  shot,  and  spherical  case  shot.  After  overtaking 
the  enemy,  it  took  a  position  behind  the  marsh  and  began  to  make  breastworks  of 
the  logs  which  were  profusely  strewed  along  the  beach.  I  thought  the  risk  too 
great  and  the  enterprise  too  hazardous  to  attack  them  in  their  breastworks,  as 
their  capture  would  not  compensate  for  the  loss  of  lives  wThich  we  must  necessarily 
have  sustained.  Captain  Henderson  escaped  with  his  men  in  a  boat,  but  lost  his 
horses.  Both  officers  and  men  behaved  with  coolness  and  bravery. 
Very  respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

A.  BUCHKL,  Colonel,  Commanding. 

I  hold  in  my  hand  the  report  of  General  Ransom  in  his  own 
handwriting,  handed  to  me  when  copied  by  his  Adjutant-General, 
Dickey,  who  was  killed  in  the  subsequent  Red  River  campaign, 
when  the  general  was  wounded.  The  general  speaks  in  such 
flattering  terms  of  the  conduct  of  our  little  expedition,  that  it  is 
hardly  befitting  for  me  to  give  his  words  here.  •  I  prize  his 
report  more  than  any  memento  preserved  from  the  War.  Once 
again  before  the  I3th  Maine  left  I  was  sent  with  a  small  force 
in  boats  by  night  to  capture  a  Confederate  gunboat  commanding 
the  bay.  The  pilot,  I  believe  a  traitor,  failed  to  guide  us 
through  the  reef,  and  daylight  found  us  in  easy  range  of  the 
enemy's  guns,  but  we  escaped  with  small  loss.  This  was  the 
last  attempt  to  "  amuse  "  the  enemy.  We  remained  in  camp  at 
Decrow's  Point  until  the  last  of  February.  No  further  advance 
was  made,  such  as  at  first  could  have  been  clone  safely,  as  we 
outnumbered  the  enemy,  and  they  had  no  works  at  the  Brazos 
River  at  the  head  of  the  peninsula.  The  troops  at  Decrow's 
Point  were  transported  up  Atchafalaya  Bay  to  Brashear  City,  to 
take  part  in  the  disastrous  Red  River  campaign.  If  the  cam 
paign  had  been  stronger,  my  story  would  have  been  longer.  The 
purpose  of  this  campaign,  a  notice  and  warning  to  France  that 
Texas  was  one  of  the  United  States  which  the  government  pro- 


44  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

posed  to  hold  and  occupy,  thus  lending  our  moral  support  to  the 
adjacent  friendly  republic  of  Mexico,  was  accomplished.  Browns 
ville  and  points  in  Western  Texas  were  held.  Napoleon  did  not 
heed  the  occupation  by  General  Banks,  but  when  at  the  close  of 
the  Rebellion,  General  Sheridan  with  troops  went  to  the  Rio 
Grande,  he  did  take  heed,  withdrew  the  French  troops,  and 
left  the  brave  Maximilian  to  his  sad  and  untimely  fate. 


THE  CAPTURE  OF  RICHMOND 


THE   CAPTURE   OF   RICHMOND 

BY 

LIEUTENANT    R.    H.    PRESCOTT,    U.S.V. 

THE  Confederate  capital,  as  it  appeared  before  the  war,  was 
a  fair  and  pleasant  city,  occupying  a  commanding  position  on 
the  north  bank  of  the  James  River,  at  the  head  of  tide  water, 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  from  the  sea,  and  about 
ninety  miles  from  Washington  in  a  southwesterly  direction. 
Like  ancient  Rome,  it  was  built  on  seven  hills,  surrounded  by 
beautiful  scenery,  possessing  a  few  fine  public  buildings,  and  a 
beautiful  park  adorned  with  statues  of  men  famous  in  their 
country's  history.  It  was  the  capital  of  the  state,  and  rich  in 
all  the  natural  elements  of  growth  and  prosperity. 

During  the  war  it  was  one  of  the  most  strongly  fortified 
cities  ever  known.  Its  inner  line  of  defences  consisted  of  seven 
teen  powerful  earthworks,  forming  almost  a  complete  circle 
about  a  mile  from  the  city  (the  interruption  being  on  the  south 
west  where  the  river  in  itself  was  considered  a  sufficient  pro 
tection),  mounting  more  than  three  hundred  guns  of  the 
heaviest  calibre,  and  commanding  each  foot  of  ground  in  every 
direction. 

A  second  line  of  continuous  earthworks  almost  surrounded 
it  again,  and  in  places  deemed  especially  weak  or  exposed,  a 
third  line  outside  of  this.  Not  a  hill  or  knoll  for  miles  around 
but  bristled  with  cannon.  Nature  had  most  admirably  adapted 
it  for  a  defensive  position,  protecting  it  on  the  south  and  west 
by  the  river,  and  on  the  north  and  east  by  that  vast  tract  known 
as  the  swamps  of  the  Chickahominy  in  which  so  many  thou 
sands  of  McClellan's  men  perished  in  the  spring  and  summer 
campaigns  of  1862. 

47 


48  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

Its  naval  defences  consisted  of  several  powerful  gunboats 
which  lay  in  the  river  opposite  the  city,  but  their  range  of  move 
ment  being  limited  to  the  seven  miles  of  river  navigation  lying 
between  their  anchorage  and  the  Dutch  Gap  Canal,  they  were 
of  little  or  no  use  except  as  a  show  of  strength. 

Five  lines  of  railroads  brought  supplies  from  the  outer  world, 
and  thus  surrounded,  defended  and  supplied,  this  proud  city, 
secure  in  its  position,  confident  in  the  strength  of  its  defences 
and  the  inexhaustibleness  of  its  resources,  maintained  itself 
through  four  long  years  of  bloodiest  strife,  as  the  seat  and 
stronghold  of  the  Confederate  government,  —  its  military  centre, 
—  the  very  heart  of  the  Confederacy.  And  so  secure  did  its 
thirty-eight  thousand  inhabitants  feel  against  the  most  strenu 
ous  efforts  of  the  Union  armies  to  capture  it,  that  from  May, 
1 86 1,  when  it  was  made  the  seat  of  the  Confederate  government, 
until  June,  1864,  it  was  held  by  only  a  few  thousand  militia, 
mainly  boys  and  old  men  unfit  for  more  arduous  and  active 
service  in  the  field.  Until  the  last  of  September,  1864,  the 
exterior  line  of  its  triple  wall  of  defence  had  never  been  carried. 
Union  troops  had  on  several  occasions  come  within  sight  of  it ; 
in  one  or  two  instances  it  had  been  for  a  moment  pierced,  but 
the  assaults  had  always  been  repulsed,  and  no  Union  soldier 
had  ever  seen  the  inner  line  unless  taken  through  it  as  a 
prisoner  of  war.  The  city  had  no  appearance  of  being  in  a 
state  of  siege.  The  people  quietly  pursued  their  various  avo 
cations,  and  save  for  the  newspaper  reports,  the  tales  of  soldiers 
on  furlough  and  those  of  the  sick  and  wounded  in  the  hos 
pitals,  they  had  little  knowledge  of  what  was  transpiring  even 
in  their  own  army.  Consequently,  when  on  that  beautiful 
Sabbath  in  early  April,  1865,  the  President  of  the  Confederacy, 
while  seated  quietly  in  church,  was  suddenly  notified  that  Gen 
eral  Lee  could  no  longer  maintain  his  lines  and  that  the  city 
must  be  immediately  evacuated,  one  can  easily  imagine  the 
scene  of  consternation  and  terror  that  followed. 

On  Wednesday,  September  28,  1864,  General  Grant,  in  order 


THE   CAPTURE    OF    RICHMOND  49 

to  prevent  Lee  from  sending  reinforcements  to  Early,  who  was 
being  badly  punished  by  Sheridan  in  the  Valley  of  the  Shenan- 
doah,  sent  General  Ord  with  a  considerable  force  to  make 
another  threatening  demonstration  against  Richmond,  and  this 
time  from  the  south,  all  previous  campaigns  and  attempts  hav 
ing  fully  demonstrated  that  the  city  could  be  taken  only  from 
this  direction. 

Orel's  troops  consisted  of  Stannard's  division  of  the  Eigh 
teenth  Corps,  —  three  brigades  numbering  some  twenty-five  hun 
dred  men  encamped  at  Bermuda  Hundred  —  and  General  Birney 
with  about  eight  thousand  men  of  the  Tenth  Corps,  including  a 
division  of  colored  troops  from  the  Petersburg  front,  who  was 
expected  to  co-operate  at  a  point  considerably  further  to  the 
right.  General  Kautz,  also,  with  his  cavalry,  was  to  penetrate 
still  further,  if  possible,  and  make  a  demonstration  along  the 
Darbytown  road,  one  of  the  turnpikes  leading  into  Richmond. 
Two  pontoon  bridges  were  thrown  across  the  river  late  in  the 
afternoon  of  that  clay,  one  near  Aiken's  Landing,  about  ten 
miles  below  Richmond  (the  place,  also,  where  the  exchange  of 
prisoners  took  place),  the  other  at  Deep  Bottom,  some  distance 
below. 

Stannard's  division,  in  which  was  our  regiment,  the  I3th 
New  Hampshire,  crossed  at  the  first  named  place,  Birney  and 
his  troops  at  the  second.  We  left  our  camp  behind  the  in- 
trenchments  at  Bermuda  Hundred  at  eight  o'clock  that  morning, 
September  28,  1864,  and  spent  the  day  in  marching  idly  about 
from  one  position  to  another.  At  nine  in  the  evening  we  started 
for  Aiken's  Landing,  some  three  or  four  miles  distant,  where 
the  men  were  massed  in  the  darkness  of  the  woods  awaiting 
the  order  to  cross.  The  utmost  secrecy  and  silence  were  ob 
served.  The  men  were  allowed  to  converse  only  in  low  tones, 
and  the  exhibition  of  any  light,  however  small,  was  strictly  for 
bidden.  Meanwhile  the  pioneers  were  busy  covering  the  bridge 
thickly  with  earth,  that  the  measured  tread  of  the  troops  in 
crossing  might  not  be  heard  by  the  enemy.  About  three  o'clock 


50  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

on  the  morning  of  the  2Qth  all  was  ready  and  the  movement 
commenced. 

The  first  faint  flushes  of  dawn  were  just  appearing  in  the 
eastern  skies  when  the  entire  force  found  itself  safely  transferred 
to  the  north  bank  of  the  river,  and  without  delay  was  immedi 
ately  ordered  forward.  Advancing  across  open  fields  for  about 
a  mile,  we  entered  a  travelled  road  —  the  Varina  road  —  which 
led  through  a  piece  of  pine  forest,  and  just  at  this  point  the 
enemy's  pickets  were  first  encountered.  A  brisk  fire  was  ex 
changed  with  our  skirmishers,  when  the  enemy  hastily  retreated 
leaving  their  breakfast  untouched,  which  was  without  ceremony 
snatched  and  eaten  by  our  men  as  they  passed  along.  On 
emerging  from  the  woods  nearly  three  miles  above,  a  momentary 
halt  was  made  to  afford  a  hasty  survey  of  the  scene  before  us. 
Directly  in  front  and  nearly  three-quarters  of  a  mile  distant,  on 
the  summit  of  a  hill,  stood  a  large  fort,  the  Confederate  flag 
waving  above  it,  and  the  black  muzzles  of  its  heavy  guns  plainly 
visible.  Long  lines  of  rifle  pits  stretched  away  on  either  side 
to  the  James  River  on  the  left,  and  until  lost  to  view  in  the 
woods  on  the  right.  The  ground  between  us  and  the  fort  was 
rough  and  uneven,  the  trees  having  been  cut  away  to  afford  the 
enemy  an  unobstructed  view  of  the  road,  but  leaving  the  stumps 
a  foot  or  more  in  height,  and  the  ground  strewn  with  branches. 
Two  brigades,  General  Burnham's  and  General  Stevens',  were 
ordered  to  the  left  of  the  road ;  the  third,  General  Roberts',  to 
the  right,  in  order  to  allow  our  own  artillery  to  come  up  the 
road  to  the  front.  No  use  was  made  of  it  however;  not  a  can 
non  shot  from  our  side  was  fired  during  the  day,  the  battle  being 
fought  and  won  by  the  infantry  alone. 

In  another  moment  a  loud  roar,  a  sudden  burst  of  flame  and 
smoke  from  the  fort,  announced  that  the  action  had  begun. 
The  first  few  shells  screamed  harmlessly  overhead,  only  cutting 
off  the  tops  of  the  trees  and  bursting  far  behind  us,  but  the 
enemy  soon  obtained  our  range  and  more  serious  results  fol 
lowed.  The  first  to  do  any  harm  struck  the  edge  of  an  artillery 


THE    CAPTURE    OF   RICHMOND  51 

wheel  close  to  where  we  stood,  straightened  its  heavy  tire  and 
laid  it  flat  as  a  ribbon  along  the  road,  then  glancing,  cut  off  the 
fore-legs  of  a  horse  attached  to  the  gun  next  behind,  causing 
the  poor  beast  to  pitch  suddenly  forward  upon  his  breast.  Pass 
ing  on,  it  killed  two  more  horses,  and  finally  exploded  in  a  group 
of  men,  killing  three  and  wounding  several  others. 

Nothing  demoralizes  troops  more  thoroughly  than  to  remain 
inactive  under  fire,  and  it  was  with  a  feeling  of  relief  that  the 
order  "  forward  "  was  received.  Steadily,  almost  as  if  on  parade, 
in  close  column  by  division,  with  arms  at  right  shoulder,  the 
brigades  moved  onward,  and  as  the  cannon  shot  from  fort  and 
gunboats  ploughed  great  gaps  through  their  ranks,  quickly 
closed  up  and  pressed  forward  as  rapidly  as  the  nature  of  the 
ground  would  permit.  It  did  not  take  long  to  traverse  that 
mile  of  death,  and  when  a  point  was  finally  reached  where  the 
ground  rose  so  abruptly  that  the  guns  of  the  fort  could  not  be 
depressed  sufficiently  to  do  further  harm,  a  momentary  halt 
was  made  to  enable  the  men  to  recover  their  breath.  Then  the 
order  to  charge  was  given,  and  with  a  yell  the  men  sprang  for 
ward.  Leaping  into  the  deep  moat  which  surrounded  the  fort, 
they  climbed  by  means  of  each  other's  shoulders,  and  their 
bayonets  driven  into  the  opposite  wall  of  earth,  to  the  slope 
above,  over  which  they  swarmed  like  bees,  under  a  terrible  fire 
of  musketry  from  every  available  point.  So  near  were  they  to 
the  enemy  that  many  were  severely  burned  by  the  flame  from 
the  latter' s  rifles,  and  their  faces  blackened  by  the  unburnt 
powder.  The  fire  was  literally  in  their  very  faces.  It  was  but 
a  moment,  however,  ere  the  parapet  was  gained.  The  colors  of 
half  a  dozen  regiments  were  quickly  planted  upon  it,  and  as  the 
enemy  turned  and  fled  in  haste,  loud  and  repeated  cheers  an 
nounced  that  the  dearly  bought  victory  was  won.  The  fort 
with  its  sixteen  heavy  guns  and  a  considerable  proportion  of  its 
garrison  was  ours.  All  this  had  been  accomplished  without 
firing  a  shot.  At  the  moment  of  commencing  the  march  across 
the  field  the  caps  were  removed  from  the  muskets,  bayonets 


52  CIVIL  WAR    PAPERS 

were  fixed,  and  until  the  enemy  were  met  face  to  face  within 
the  fort,  not  a  shot  from  our  side  had  been  fired.  When  once 
inside  the  fort,  the  bayonet  alone  completed  the  work.  Later 
in  the  day  we  had  the  misfortune  to  see  General  Birney's  troops 
repeatedly  repulsed  while  charging  Fort  Gilmer,  another  large 
earthwork  further  in  our  front. 

That  march  of  a  mile,  through  such  a  terrible  tempest  of 
lead  and  iron,  was,  of  course,  attended  with  most  disastrous 
results.  General  Stevens  lay  severely  wounded  just  without, 
and  General  Burnham  dead  just  within  the  fort.  Both  were 
taken  away  in  the  same  ambulance,  under  a  heavy  fire.  Of  the 
assaulting  column  more  than  one-third  lay  dead  and  wounded 
between  the  fort  and  edge  of  the  woods.  Looking  back  from 
the  parapet  of  the  fort  the  line  of  march  was  seen  to  be  covered 
with  prostrate  forms,  while  the  groans  and  shrieks  of  agony 
that  came  to  our  ears  were  most  appalling.  What  with  the  fire 
from  the  fort  and  the  redoubts  which  flanked  it  on  the  right  and 
left,  the  huge  shells  which  came  screaming  up  from  the  enemy's 
gunboats  on  the  river,  the  bullets  from  the  enemy's  riflemen 
posted  in  treetops,  the  roofs  and  chimneys  of  the  scattered 
farmhouses,  and  from  the  lines  of  rifle-pits,  it  is  a  wonder  that 
the  column  was  not  completely  annihilated.  Had  there  been 
an  abattis  in  front  of  the  fort,  it  is  certain  that  it  could  not  have 
been  taken,  and  why  so  important  a  position  was  unprovided 
with  this  invaluable  protection  is  something  I  have  never  been 
able  to  understand.  It  is  only  on  the  supposition  that  the  posi 
tion  was  considered  impregnable. 

As  the  last  discharge  of  the  enemy's  artillery  tore  through 
the  broken  and  shattered  ranks,  the  column  wavered  and  rocked 
like  a  tree  before  a  rude  blast  of  wind,  and  for  a  moment  the 
task  seemed  impossible  ;  but  under  the  shelter  of  the  crest 
before  mentioned  there  was  a  momentary  respite,  and  the  rush 
and  shout  which  immediately  followed  were  irresistible.  As  the 
first  men  mounted  the  parapet  and  looked  down  into  the  faces 
below  them  a  Confederate  officer  was  discovered  just  sighting 


THE  CAPTURE  OF  RICHMOND  53 

one  of  the  huge  pivot  guns  for  another  shot,  when  a  Union  sol 
dier  shouted  at  the  top  of  his  voice,  "  Don't  fire  that  gun." 
The  Confederate  soldier  who  held  the  lanyard  looked  up  with  a 
curse  upon  his  lips  and  defiance  in  his  face,  but  before  he  could 
pull  the  cord  he  fell  dead,  transfixed  by  the  Union  bayonet.  In 
another  moment  a  score  of  ready  hands  had  turned  the  gun 
about  and  its  contents  of  grape  and  canister  were  sent  crashing 
through  the  disorganized  ranks  of  the  fleeing  enemy. 

The  capture  of  this  fort,  the  most  important  of  all  the  de 
fences  on  the  south  of  Richmond,  and  the  main  reliance  of  that 
part  of  the  Confederate  lines,  created  the  wildest  excitement  in 
the  rebel  capital.  Fearing  that  the  fall  of  the  city  would  imme 
diately  follow,  a  panic  seized  upon  the  citizens,  who  began  pack 
ing  their  valuables  and  preparing  for  instant  flight.  With  much 
difficulty  their  fears  were  allayed.  They  were  assured  that  the 
position  would  be  speedily  retaken,  and  Jefferson  Davis,  Gen 
eral  Lee  and  others  high  in  authority  came  hastily  down  to  Fort 
Gilmer  to  study  the  situation  and  decide  what  should  be  done. 
From  our  position  we  plainly  saw  the  group  surveying  us 
through  their  field-glasses,  and  from  numerous  deserters  who 
came  into  our  lines  that  night  we  learned  that  Mr.  Davis  had 
declared  that  the  fort  must  be  retaken  if  it  required  the  entire 
Confederate  army  to  do  it.  It  would  never  do  to  permit  the 
Yankee  army  to  remain  permanently  within  such  easy  threaten 
ing  distance  ;  its  frequent  raids  from  so  secure  a  position,  and 
the  constant  bursting  of  Union  shells  within  the  city  suburbs 
would  keep  the  people  in  constant  alarm.  So  every  male  be 
tween  the  ages  of  sixteen  and  sixty  \vas  hurried  at  once  into  the 
defences.  The  ironclads  were  sent  down  the  river,  and  taking 
up  a  position  directly  opposite  the  fort,  they  shelled  it  furiously 
all  the  afternoon.  The  river  banks  at  this  point  were  fortu 
nately  so  high  that  the  necessary  elevation  of  their  guns  sent 
their  shells  high  above  the  fort  bursting  harmlessly  overhead 
and  scattering  their  fragments  in  the  fields  beyond.  Only  one 
shell  of  the  hundreds  they  threw  at  us  that  afternoon  came 


54  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

inside  the  fort,  —  and  that,  a  huge  two  hundred  pounder,  fortu 
nately  did  not  explode. 

Knowing  there  would  be  hot  work  as  soon  as  the  enemy 
attempted  to  retake  the  fort,  orders  were  given  to  strengthen 
the  position  as  speedily  as  possible.  It  was  with  very  different 
feelings  from  those  of  the  clay  before  that  the  men  set  about 
this  task.  Now  they  would  be  the  defenders  and  the  enemy 
the  attacking  force.  They  felt  abundantly  able  to  hold  it 
against  any  force  that  could  be  brought  against  it.  So  the  dead 
lying  too  thickly  about  the  place  were  hastily  buried,  leaving 
the  more  remote  untouched  ;  the  enemy's  barracks  were  torn 
down  and  the  logs  piled  up  into  breastworks,  covered  with 
bales  of  hay,  and  wagons  filled  with  shovels  and  pickaxes  were 
ordered  up  from  the  river  bank  without  delay.  This  attempt  to 
assist,  however,  proved  utterly  useless.  The  enemy's  sharp 
shooters  concealed  in  the  trees  and  behind  the  chimneys,  shot 
down  the  mules  as  soon  as  the  wagons  appeared  in  sight,  and 
killed  the  men  detailed  to  go  back  and  fetch  the  tools  in  their 
hands.  So  every  man  wrought  as  best  he  could  with  bayonets, 
sticks,  and  the  tin  dipper  from  which  he  drank  his  coffee.  Thus 
digging  away  as  for  dear  life,  by  night  a  low  bank  of  earth  ran 
along  the  rear  of  the  fort,  now  changed  to  a  new  front  facing 
toward  Richmond.  All  night  long  we  worked,  and  on  the  fol 
lowing  morning,  much  to  our  disgust,  our  slender  protection  was 
taken  from  us  and  given  up  to  fresh  troops  who  had  been  hastily 
sent  up  as  reinforcements  ;  we  who  had  won  the  position  the  day 
before  were  removed  further  to  the  right  into  open  unprotected 
ground.  There  was  much  unavailing  grumbling  at  this  seeming 
injustice,  but  the  men  went  heartily  to  work  turning  up  the 
fresh  earth  for  new  protection.  All  that  forenoon  the  cloud  of 
dust  raised  by  marching  rebel  troops,  and  the  gleam  of  their 
bayonets  were  plainly  visible,  skirting  the  edge  of  the  woods  at 
no  great  distance,  giving  token  of  dreadful  work  close  at  hand. 
About  noon,  each  man  had  raised  for  himself  a  little  mound  of 
earth  a  few  inches  in  height.  At  that  time  a  sudden  furious 


THE  CAPTURE    OF    RICHMOND  55 

cannonade  opened  from  gunboats,  batteries  and  forts,  and  soon 
after  the  appearance  of  long  lines  of  Confederate  gray,  —  ten  of 
the  choicest  brigades  in  the  whole  Southern  army,  under  Ewell, 
and  later  under  Lee  himself  —  at  the  edge  of  the  woods  an 
nounced  the  approaching  attack. 

The  dense  lines  of  gray,  with  banners  flying  and  uttering 
their  shrill  cries,  came  sweeping  swiftly  forward.  It  was  a  mo 
ment  of  intensest  interest.  The  enemy  was  but  a  few  yards  dis 
tant  ;  already  their  features  were  plainly  visible,  when  suddenly 
came  the  sharp  command  "Fire."  A  sheet  of  flame  leaped 
from  the  muzzles  of  two  thousand  seven  hundred  rifles,  and  that 
line  of  gray  went  down  as  grass  falls  beneath  the  mower's  scythe. 
Broken  and  shattered  the  survivors  made  their  way  back  to  the 
shelter  of  the  woods,  followed  by  a  continuous  fire  from  breech- 
loading  rifles. 

I  well  remember  the  feeling  of  exultation  that  found  expres 
sion  in  our  brigade  as  they  recognized  in  the  lines  of  the  ap 
proaching  foe  a  certain  Southern  regiment  which  they  had  often 
faced  on  former  battle-fields,  and  against  which  a  peculiarly 
bitter  animosity  existed  on  account  of  certain  atrocities  com 
mitted  on  our  dead  and  wounded  who  had  fallen  into  their 
hands.  So  it  was  with  gleeful  feelings  that  this  regiment  was 
recognized,  and  most  fearfully  were  those  atrocities  avenged. 
At  the  roll-call  of  that  Southern  regiment  at  the  close  of  that 
afternoon's  fight,  only  seven  men  made  answer  to  their  names, 
while  General  Clingman's  brigade  to  which  it  belonged,  and 
upon  which  our  fire  was  concentrated,  was  practically  annihi 
lated  —  being  either  killed,  wounded  or  captured  —  flags  and 
all. 

Meanwhile  the  enemy  reformed  his  shattered  ranks  in  the 
woods  for  a  second  assault  ;  but  this  and  a  third  also  met  with  a 
like  result,  being  each  time  effectually  repulsed  with  terrible 
loss.  The  Spencer,  a  breech-loading  rifle  which  could  be  fired 
with  great  rapidity,  poured  in  its  constant  fire  with  deadly  effect. 
Some  of  the  Confederate  prisoners  exhibited  great  curiosity  to 


56  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

see  what   they  expressed   as    "  that   cl — d  Yankee    gun   which 
could  be  loaded  up  on  Sunday  and  fired  all  the  week." 

At  last,  realizing  that  our  line  could  not  be  broken,  and  mad 
dened  and  desperate  by  failure,  they  concentrated  all  their  re 
maining  strength  and  energy  for  a  final  assault,  and  this  time 
directed  their  attack  obliquely  upon  the  division  of  colored 
troops  at  our  right.  The  assault  was  impetuous  in  its  fury  and 
well-nigh  successful.  They  came  to  the  very  foot  of  the  low 
earthwork,  many  of  them  actually  clambered  over  it,  and  our 
hearts  sank  within  us  when  we  saw  the  colored  troops  give  way 
in  terror  and  confusion.  In  vain  their  officers  cursed  and  struck 
at  the  men  with  their  swords.  A  wild  panic  seemed  to  have 
seized  them,  and  the  danger  of  being  flanked  and  taken  prisoner 
seemed  imminent  to  all,  when  suddenly  a  color  sergeant,  a  tall, 
muscular,  black  fellow,  —  a  typical  specimen  of  his  race  — 
sprang  upon  the  low  edge  of  earth,  waved  the  flag  about  his 
head,  and  calling  upon  his  comrades  to  follow  him,  leaped  boldly 
down  into  the  midst  of  the  enemy.  It  was  the  work  of  an  in 
stant.  He  lived  hardly  long  enough  to  touch  the  ground.  We 
found  his  body  after  the  fight  was  over,  lying  at  the  bottom  of 
a  heap  of  slain,  —  blacks  and  whites  together  —  fairly  riddled 
with  bayonet  wounds,  and  the  flag  all  torn  and  bloody,  tightly 
clenched  in  his  stiffened  hands.  Poor,  despised,  unknown 
image  of  his  Maker  !  Who  would  ever  have  believed  this  man 
capable  of  such  sublime  courage  and  heroism  ?  But  beneath 
that  black  skin  there  beat  a  heart  as  loyal  to  freedom  and  as 
determined  to  win  it  for  himself  and  his  race  as  any  which 
stands  recorded  in  the  world's  history.  Who  shall  dare  deny  to 
that  poor  black,  in  the  face  of  such  devotion  and  sacrifice,  the 
possession  of  those  qualities  which  in  other  races  call  forth  our 
highest  praise  and  admiration  ?  His  example  saved  the  day. 
His  comrades,  ashamed  of  their  momentary  panic,  turned  and 
followed  him.  With  an  almost  unearthly  cry  —  a  cry  in  which 
all  the  agony  and  despair  of  centuries  of  bondage  and  oppression 
seemed  concentrated,  they  threw  themselves  with  irresistible 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    RICHMOND  57 

fury  upon  their  foes.  No  mercy  was  asked  or  given  on  either 
side,  and  that  evening  as  I  walked  over  the  blood-soaked  ground 
I  counted  them  by  the  score,  black  and  white,  pierced  by  each 
other's  bayonets. 

During  this  terrific  struggle,  the  troops  previously  engaged 
were  compelled  to  remain  passive  spectators.  They  could  not 
turn  their  arms  against  this  swaying  mass  without  equal  danger 
to  friend  and  foe.  But  so  great  was  their  realization  of  the 
danger,  so  keen  the  anxiety,  so  doubtful  the  issue,  that  every 
eye  was  riveted  upon  it  unmindful  of  the  storm  of  lead  and  iron 
that  the  Confederate  sharpshooters  and  artillery  poured  upon 
us  from  every  available  point.  It  seemed  impossible  in  such  a 
storm  for  any  to  escape,  but  happily  in  a  few  moments  the  Con 
federates  broke  in  disorder  and  sought  safety  under  the  protect 
ing  guns  of  Fort  Gilmer,  while  the  Union  troops  shouted 
themselves  hoarse  with  delight.  From  the  prisoners  we  learned 
that  General  Lee  had  commanded  in  person,  that  he  was  deeply 
disappointed  and  chagrined  at  his  failure  to  retake  this  most 
important  position,  and  counted  its  loss  an  irreparable  disaster 
to  the  Confederate  cause. 

The  capture  of  Fort  Harrison  and  the  desperate  attempt  to 
retake  it  were  among  the  important  battles  of  the  war.  As 
Gettysburg  indicates  the  highest  tide-water  mark  reached  by 
the  rebellion,  so  the  capture  of  Fort  Harrison  marks  the  real 
beginning  of  the  end.  This  was  the  first  time  that  the  Union 
army  had  gained  a  permanent  foothold  on  the  north  side  of  the 
James  River  ;  the  first  tightening  of  that  iron  grip  on  the  throat 
of  the  rebellion  which  was  never  to  be  relaxed  until  its  final 
death.  Henceforth  Richmond  was  in  a  state  of  siege ;  her 
steeples  almost  within  sight  and  her  people  ever  within  sound 
of  the  Union  guns. 

A  great  change  had  taken  place  in  the  sentiments  of  the 
people  of  Richmond  even  before  the  date  of  the  storming  of 
Fort  Harrison.  Before  the  battle  of  Gettysburg  in  July,  1863, 
high  hopes  of  ultimate  success  had  animated  all  classes  of 


58  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

the  Southern  people,  and  no  one,  however  great  the  doubts  he 
might  have  felt,  dared  to  give  them  open  expression.  But  when 
Lee's  shattered  and  demoralized  battalions  came  pouring  back 
in  wild  disorder  from  that  bloody  field,  the  hopes  of  the  South 
sank  never  again  to  rise.  They  realized  then,  as  never  before, 
the  tremendous  military  strength  of  the  Government,  and  the 
determination  of  the  North  never  to  abandon  the  contest  until 
the  recreant  states  had  returned  to  their  allegiance. 

The  positions  of  the  opposing  forces  as  just  described,  re 
mained  practically  unchanged  throughout  the  winter.  As  was 
anticipated,  the  Union  batteries  threw  hundreds  of  tons  of  iron 
into  the  suburbs  of  the  city,  and  were  replied  to  with  equal 
vigor  by  the  Confederate  guns.  For  days  at  a  time  the  shelling 
was  so  furious  that  there  seemed  hardly  any  intermission,  day  or 
night.  Life  was  rendered  a  burden,  no  less  from  the  incessant 
din  than  from  the  constant  vigilance  required  to  escape  the 
flying  missiles.  On  the  picket  line  at  night  we  lay  wrapped  in 
our  blankets,  and,  unable  to  sleep,  watched  the  curving  lines  of 
fire  with  which  the  air  was  filled,  and  calculated  from  the  radius 
of  curvature  the  nearness  of  the  explosion. 

The  vigilance  in  both  armies  was  unceasing,  and  so  great  was 
the  strain  that  the  health  of  nearly  every  one  became  seriously 
impaired.  All  winter  long  a  battle  was  deemed  imminent  at 
any  hour.  Only  two,  however,  occurred.  On  October  2Oth 
Mr.  Davis  and  General  Lee  came  down  within  half  a  mile  of 
Fort  Harrison  and  for  five  hours  discussed  the  situation.  The 
result  was  seen  a  day  or  two  later  in  a  furious  attack  upon  our 
right  flank,  which  was  unsuccessful.  It  cost  the  Union  army, 
however,  about  fifteen  hundred  lives  and  the  enemy  more  than 
twice  that  number.  On  the  27 th  the  Union  army  retaliated, 
and  advanced  within  four  miles  of  Richmond,  one  mile  nearer 
than  McClellan  had  advanced  in  1862.  The  attack  was  repulsed 
and  the  troops  driven  back  with  heavy  loss.  The  retreat  of 
that  night  forms  one  of  the  darkest  pictures  of  the  war.  All 
night  long  the  rain  poured  in  torrents.  So  deep  was  the  mud 


THE  CAPTURP:  OF  RICHMOND  59 

that  the  roads  were  almost  impassable,  and  so  tenacious  that 
boots  and  shoes  were  pulled  off  and  left  behind  at  every  step. 
The  darkness  was  intense  and  we  went  floundering  slowly 
along,  artillery,  infantry,  cavalry,  wagons,  ambulances,  all  mixed 
together  in  inextricable  confusion.  Many  dropped  out  from 
sheer  fatigue,  and  either  perished  in  the  woods  or  were  captured 
by  the  pursuing  enemy,  the  flash  of  whose  rifles  every  few 
moments  lit  up  for  an  instant  the  otherwise  impenetrable  dark 
ness.  Others  were  drowned  in  the  swollen  streams,  or  sank 
helpless  in  the  soft  mud  which  in  many  places  reached  nearly 
to  the  knees.  To  add  to  its  misfortunes  the  column  lost  its 
way  and  came  suddenly  upon  Confederate  fortifications,  to  avoid 
which  it  turned  aside  into  the  woods  and  waited  for  daylight, 
the  wearied  men  catching  a  little  sleep  in  a  standing  position, 
leaning  against  the  trees.  Nothing  could  be  done  for  the 
wounded,  whose  shrieks,  as  the  ambulances  went  bumping  over 
stumps  and  stones  and  sunken  logs  or  were  tipped  completely 
over  in  the  mud,  were  dreadful  and  heart-rending  beyond  power 
to  imagine. 

The  only  advantage  gained  in  this  reconnoissance  was  by  the 
cavalry,  which  secured  an  advanced  position  in  the  recesses  of 
White  Oak  Swamp  on  the  Charles  City  road  which  they  held 
until  the  end  of  the  war.  The  effect  of  these  two  engagements 
was  extremely  disheartening,  and  hundreds  of  men  and  officers 
were  wholly  disabled  for  further  service.  So  few  officers  were 
fit  for  duty  that  the  detail  for  picket  came  almost  every  night, 
and  was  especially  severe.  No  sleep  was  allowed,  nor  any  fires  ; 
and  whether  in  drenching  rain,  blinding  snow  or  sleet,  or  pier 
cing  cold,  there  was  no  relief  until  the  twenty-four  hours  had 
expired.  It  seemed  cruel  to  extinguish  a  trifling  fire  of  dried 
leaves  or  twigs  that  the  poor  fellows  might  have  kindled  behind 
some  sheltering  rock,  in  the  small  hours  after  midnight,  but  the 
orders  were  imperative,  and  it  had  to  be  done.  It  was  pitiable 
to  see  them  rubbing  their  ears  with  snow.  In  many  instances 
they  were  so  benumbed  that  they  could  no  longer  hold  the 


60  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

musket,  and  many  were  sent  to  the  hospital  disabled  for  life. 
It  was  an  experience  akin  to  that  which  the  Continental  army 
endured  in  the  famous  winter  at  Valley  Forge,  and  I  am  con 
vinced  that  many  of  the  desertions  from  our  army  that  winter 
were  for  only  one  purpose.  The  cheerful  fires  of  the  Confed 
erates  were  too  great  a  temptation,  and  they  went  over  simply 
to  get  warm. 

Another  order,  the  violation  of  which  was  punishable  with 
death,  was  against  holding  any  communication  with  the  enemy 
on  the  picket  line.  But  the  eagerness  to  exchange  newspapers 
was  so  great  on  both  sides  that  this  order  was  often  violated. 
A  stump  about  midway  between  the  two  lines  was  usually 
selected,  and  the  picket  officer  on  either  side,  first  attracting  the 
other's  attention  by  waving  his  paper  in  the  air,  advanced,  laid  it 
on  the  stump,  and  returned  to  his  own  lines.  The  other  then 
advanced,  took  up  the  paper  and  left  his  own,  which  was  again 
taken  by  the  first.  Of  course  it  was  agreed  that  there  should 
be  no  firing  and  no  treachery  on  either  side.  In  this  way  we  re 
ceived  the  Richmond  papers  a  few  hours  after  their  publication, 
and  the  enemy  were  always  delighted  to  receive  ours,  especially 
the  New  York  illustrated  papers,  for  their  own  carefully  sup 
pressed  the  truth  and  fed  their  readers  with  the  most  preposter 
ous  lies.  I  remember  meeting  an  officer  of  the  i/th  Virginia 
Regiment  several  times  at  the  stump,  and  having  a  little  talk 
with  him.  He  freely  acknowledged  that  the  South  could  hold 
out  but  little  longer  ;  that  it  was  daily  becoming  more  and  more 
difficult  to  maintain  discipline  in  their  army,  and  that  all  were 
longing  impatiently  for  the  end.  Even  on  the  picket  line  where 
desultory  firing  was  kept  up  most  of  the  time,  intermissions 
occurred,  usually  toward  the  close  of  a  pleasant  Sabbath  after 
noon,  when,  after  dress  parade,  the  bands  of  both  armies  ap 
proached  as  near  the  picket  lines  as  permission  allowed,  and 
followed  by  crowds  of  listeners  who  seated  themselves  upon  the 
ground  around,  proceeded  to  fill  the  air  with  melody.  Patriotic 
airs  were  first  given.  "  Yankee  Doodle  "  on  the  Union  side 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    RICHMOND  6l 

was  followed  with  "  Maryland,  my  Maryland  "  from  the  Confed 
erates.  The  "Star  Spangled  Banner"  alternated  with  "The 
Bonnie  Blue  Flag";  "Hail  Columbia"  with  "Stonewall  Jack 
son's  March,"  each  rendering  followed  by  lusty  cheers  from 
their  respective  adherents,  and  so  on,  until  as  darkness  ap 
proached  and  the  silent  stars  came  out  one  by  one,  and  myriads 
of  twinkling  lights  appeared  in  thousands  of  tiny  tents  stretch 
ing  away  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  the  music  took  on  a  differ 
ent  character.  The  strains  of  "  Annie  Laurie  "  commenced  by 
a  band  of  either  side,  was  quickly  taken  up  by  the  others,  Union 
and  Confederate  alike,  followed  by  "The  Girl  I  left  behind  Me," 
"Auld  Lang  Syne,"  and  kindred  airs,  the  impressive  silence 
which  pervaded  the  vast  audience  showing  how  deeply  these 
familiar  strains  had  touched  all  hearts.  And  when  at  last  the 
concert  closed  with  "  Home,  Sweet  Home,"  before  the  last 
notes  had  wholly  died  away  upon  the  ear,  the  bugler  at  some 
headquarters  caught  them  up  and  successive  bugles  sent  them 
on  from  regiment  to  regiment,  brigade  to  brigade,  division  to 
division,  army  corps  to  army  corps,  until  the  echoes  were  lost  in 
the  far  distance.  Then  the  myriad  lights  went  out,  the  soldier 
turned  himself  anew  in  his  bed  of  mud,  drawing  his  blanket 
over  his  head,  perchance  to  hide  the  tears  that  he  could  not 
repress,  and  slept,  to  dream  perhaps  of  the  home  and  faces  he 
was  never  to  see  again. 

Amid  such  scenes  the  long  and  dreary  winter  passed  slowly 
away.  As  spring  approached  most  of  the  troops  in  this  vicinity 
were  withdrawn  to  the  extreme  left  of  the  line  forty  miles  away 
where  Grant  was  persistently  pushing  Lee.  This  had  the  effect 
of  greatly  thinning  our  lines,  and  at  once  increasing  the  vigil 
ance  and  rendering  more  burdensome  the  duties.  The  standing 
order,  day  and  night,  was  "  Be  ready  to  move  at  any  moment." 
Desertions  from  the  enemy  occurred  daily  by  scores  and  hun 
dreds,  all  bringing  stories  of  distress  in  Richmond. 

One  by  one  the  avenues  of  supply  to  the  Confederate  capital 
and  army  were  cut  off,  and  the  pressure  of  want,  even  hunger, 


62  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

began  to  be  acutely  felt.  Sheridan  had  rendered  the  fertile 
valley  of  the  Shenandoah  a  desert  waste.  Sherman  had  cut  the 
Confederacy  in  twain.  His  victorious  legions  marching  to  the 
sea  had  left  a  wide  swath  of  desolation  behind  them.  The 
Weldon  and  South  Side  railroads  running  south  from  Petersburg 
had  both  been  cut,  and  but  one  avenue  remained  open  —  the 
Richmond  and  Danville  road  —  to  feed  the  almost  starving 
Southern  armies. 

Everything  throughout  the  South  was  in  the  worst  possible 
condition.  As  rats  are  said  to  desert  a  sinking  ship,  so  the 
highest  among  the  Confederate  officers,  seeing  clearly  the  inevi 
tably  speedy  collapse  of  the  Confederacy,  were  sending  off 
boxes  of  gold  to  Europe  and  following  them  just  as  fast  as  they 
could  get  away.  The  Governors  of  several  of  the  Southern 
States  were  demanding  of  President  Davis  the  immediate  return 
of  their  troops,  claiming  the  same  right  to  secede  from  the  Con 
federacy  as  from  the  old  Union.  Generals  Johnston,  Beaure- 
gard,  and  Bragg  were  without  commands,  and  the  country 
everywhere  was  filled  with  deserters  from  the  ranks.  They 
came  into  our  lines  almost  every  night  in  considerable  numbers. 
From  the  Richmond  papers  they  often  brought  with  them  we 
learned  much  of  what  was  going  on  within  the  city.  Here  are 
a  few  of  the  market  prices  of  provisions  :  Flour,  $i  500  a  barrel ; 
tea,  $120  per  pound  ;  coffee,  $80  ;  butter,  $50  ;  corn  meal,  $75 
a  bushel  ;  cord  wood,  $5  a  stick ;  a  dress  pattern  of  cheapest 
calico,  $300  ;  a  pair  of  coarse  shoes,  $100  ;  and  everything  else 
in  like  proportion.  As  the  people  used  to  say,  they  carried 
their  money  to  market  in  a  basket  and  brought  home  their  pur 
chases  in  their  pockets.  One  newspaper  article  complained  of 
the  difficulty  of  filling  the  depleted  ranks.  They  even  took  sick 
men  from  their  beds,  and  one  case  which  excited  great  indigna 
tion  was  that  of  a  poor  fellow  dying  of  consumption  who  was 
taken  from  bed,  a  musket  put  in  his  hand,  and  he  was  forced 
into  the  intrenchments,  where  in  a  few  hours  he  died.  One 
editor  grows  almost  hysterical  in  his  gratitude  for  the  gift  of  a 


THE  CAPTURE  OF  RICHMOND  63 

dozen  ruta  baga  turnips  and  two  quarts  of  persimmons,  and  o: 
eminent  gentleman  on  Christmas  Day,  1 864,  entered  into  a  com 
pact  with  his  family  that  while  at  dinner  no  unpleasant  word 
should  be  spoken  and  no  one  should  "  scramble  "  for  anything 
on  the  table.  This  Christmas  dinner  consisted  of  a  boiled  head 
of  cabbage  costing  $12,  and  bacon  costing  $10  per  pound.  One 
gentleman  told  me  that  his  family  had  not  tasted  fresh  meat  for 
more  than  a  year.  The  last  that  he  bought  had  cost  $60  per 
pound,  and  even  at  that  price  was  of  very  poor  quality,  while  as 
a  substitute  for  butter  they  boiled  potato  skins  into  a  sort  of 
jelly  and  mixed  it  with  the  fat  of  bacon. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Richmond  at  this  time. 
Finally  the  morning  of  Sunday,  April  2d,  1865,  dawned  beauti 
fully  bright  and  clear.  All  nature  teemed  with  signs  of  the 
coming  spring.  The  blue  sky,  the  warm,  still  atmosphere,  the 
budding  trees  and  songs  of  birds,  the  freshening  green  of 
the  hillsides,  all  told  of  the  awakening  season  of  life  and  beauty. 
Far  off  in  the  direction  of  Petersburg,  —  southward  —  the  deep 
booming  of  heavy  cannon  came  all  day  to  our  ears,  and  we  knew 
that  a  battle  was  in  progress  there.  While  at  breakfast  that 
morning  the  adjutant  said  to  me,  "  You  will  report  at  brigade 
headquarters  at  half-past  eight  this  morning  as  officer  of  the 
picket."  Just  before  starting  for  the  picket  line,  General  Ripley, 
commanding  the  brigade,  said  to  me,  "  You  will  be  especially 
vigilant  to-day,  and  should  you  observe  anything  unusual  in  the 
enemy's  lines,  you  will  send  me  word  of  it  immediately."  Then 
I  started  with  the  brigade  pickets  for  the  outposts. 

Our  position  was  in  a  thin  belt  of  pines  from  which  we  could 
clearly  perceive  the  enemy's  works  and  all  his  movements.  All 
seemed  as  usual.  Fort  Gilmer  with  its  frowning  parapet,  its 
heavy  battery,  the  Confederate  flag  floating  from  its  staff,  and 
the  sentinel  with  musket  on  his  shoulder,  pacing  the  rampart, 
presented  its  usual  threatening  appearance.  Groups  of  Confed 
erate  soldiers  lounged  about  the  picket  fires  and  the  camp,  and 
nothing  indicated  in  any  way  the  near  approach  of  startling 


64  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

events.  About  the  middle  of  the  afternoon,  however,  I  noticed 
several  army  wagons  being  loaded  up  and  field  artillery  moving 
away,  and  a  general  air  of  bustle  and  activity  pervading  the 
enemy's  camps.  I  sent  news  of  this  to  General  Ripley,  and 
received  in  reply  the  laconic  message  "Keep  your  eyes  and  ears 
open."  As  darkness  came  on  these  signs  increased.  There 
was  a  continual  rumbling  sound  as  of  heavily  loaded  wagons 
and  artillery  ;  their  bands  played  louder  and  later  than  usual, 
and  their  camp-fires  seemed  to  blaze  more  brightly.  There  was 
something  ominous  in  the  very  air  —  a  feeling  that  a  great  crisis 
was  at  hand,  but  of  what  nature  it  might  be,  none  could  surmise. 
No  man  slept  that  night.  Each  stood  ready,  musket  in  hand, 
for  whatever  might  happen.  At  length,  at  half-past  four  on  the 
morning  of  the  third,  there  came  a  sudden  blinding  glare  of 
light,  a  concussion  that  shook  the  earth  and  nearly  threw  us  to 
the  ground,  and  immediately  after  the  division  officer  of  the  day, 
the  lieutenant-colonel  of  the  5th  Maryland  Regiment,  galloped 
up  and  ordered  me  to  advance  the  picket  line,  adding  that  the 
enemy  were  blowing  up  their  iron-clads  in  the  river,  and  it  was 
believed  that  Richmond  was  being  evacuated.  It  was  but  the 
work  of  a  moment  for  the  men  to  sling  their  knapsacks,  and  de 
ploying  them  as  skirmishers,  we  cautiously  advanced  toward  the 
enemy's  lines.  Their  fires  were  still  burning  brightly,  but  not 
a  man  was  to  be  seen.  Fearing  some  treachery  we  approached 
cautiously,  and  as  we  came  nearer  I  perceived  small  bits  of 
bright-colored  cloth  attached  to  slender  sticks  a  few  inches  above 
the  ground  and  a  few  feet  apart.  These  marked  the  location  of 
buried  torpedoes.  In  their  hasty  flight  they  had  forgotten  to  re 
move  these  danger  signals.  Halting  the  line  I  called  attention 
to  them,  bidding  the  men  step  carefully  —  a  pressure  of  only 
five  pounds  was  sufficient  to  explode  them.  All  passed  through 
in  safety.  In  another  moment  we  had  mounted  the  parapet  of 
Fort  Gilmer  and  were  in  the  enemy's  camp.  Evidences  of  hasty 
departure  were  everywhere  visible.  The  ground  was  strewn 
with  clothing,  muskets,  canteens,  blankets,  everything  which 


THE    CAPTURE    OF   RICHMOND  65 

could  hinder  their  flight  or  was  not  really  needed  for  use.  All 
this  was  taken  in  at  a  glance  in  passing,  and  without  stopping 
we  pushed  rapidly  on.  From  an  old  negro  woman  whose  cabin 
stood  in  the  rear  of  Fort  Gilmer,  we  were  directed  into  the 
Newmarket  turnpike  at  a  short  distance  on  our  right,  and  from 
this  point  we  inarched  by  the  flank  instead  of  being  deployed  as 
skirmishers. 

Soon  we  began  to  meet  groups  of  rebel  soldiers  —  stragglers 
from  their  regiments,  who  gazed  curiously  at  us,  and  with  our 
men  exchanged  much  good-natured  banter  and  jokes.  So  des 
perately  hungry  were  they  that  many  of  them  offered  to  trade 
their  rifles  for  a  handful  of  coffee  and  a  few  hardtack.  This 
offer,  however,  met  with  scant  favor,  though  the  coffee  and 
hardtack  were  freely  bestowed.  All  along  the  road  were  strewn 
muskets,  canteens,  haversacks,  blankets,  and  other  equipments, 
and  the  desertions  from  the  Confederate  ranks  that  morning 
must  have  reached  many  hundreds. 

Every  moment  the  light  we  had  seen  over  Richmond  on 
starting  became  more  and  more  brilliant.  Above  it  hung  great 
clouds  of  heavy  smoke,  and  as  we  drew  nearer  there  arose  a 
confused  murmur  now  swelling  into  a  loud  roar  and  then  sub 
siding,  and  again  swelling  like  a  great  tumult  of  excited  voices, 
while  at  frequent  intervals  short,  sharp  explosions  \vere  heard 
as  of  the  discharge  of  field  artillery.  Weary,  breathless,  hungry, 
begrimed  with  dust  and  perspiration,  but  eager  and  excited,  we 
pushed  on,  and  at  half-past  six  o'clock  in  the  morning  I  stood 
with  about  two-thirds  of  my  men  on  the  summit  of  a  hill  and 
looked  down  upon  the  grandest  and  most  appalling  sight  that 
my  eyes  ever  beheld.  Richmond  was  literally  a  sea  of  flame, 
out  of  which  the  church  steeples  could  be  seen  protruding  here 
and  there,  while  over  all  hung  a  canopy  of  dense  black  smoke, 
lighted  up  now  and  then  by  the  bursting  shells  from  the  numer 
ous  arsenals  scattered  throughout  the  city.  I  waited  here  until 
the  stragglers  of  my  command  had  come  up,  then  marched  down 
the  hill  until  we  came  to  a  little  creek,  crossed  by  a  few  planks 


66  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

which  alone  separated  us  from  the  city.  Two  mounted  cavalry 
men  stood  upon  this  bridge  who  said  that  they  had  been  sent 
there  by  General  Weitzel  with  orders  to  allow  no  one  to  cross 
the  bridge  until  he  came  up.  So  there  was  nothing  to  do  but 
to  wait.  The  men  stacked  arms  and  threw  themselves  upon 
the  ground.  While  resting,  a  rebel  iron-clad  lying  in  the  James 
River  in  full  sight  blew  up  with  a  terrific  crash,  scattering  frag 
ments  of  iron  and  timbers  all  about  us,  but  fortunately  no  one 
was  hurt.  In  a  few  moments  more  a  carriage  appeared  coming 
from  the  city,  and  stopped  directly  before  us.  Beckoning  me 
to  approach,  the  occupant  asked  if  I  was  in  command  of  the  men 
lying  about,  and  on  being  answered  in  the  affirmative,  he  said 
that  he  was  the  mayor  of  Richmond,  and  that  he  wished  to 
make  a  formal  surrender  of  the  city.  At  the  same  time  he 
placed  in  my  hands  a  large  package,  containing,  I  presume, 
official  papers,  the  city  seal,  keys  and  other  property.  I  told 
him  that  General  Weitzel,  commanding  the  department,  would 
be  present  in  a  short  time  and  that  he  would  be  a  proper  person 
to  treat  with.  Even  while  we  were  speaking  the  general  and 
his  staff  appeared  at  the  top  of  the  hill,  and  the  mayor  rode 
forward  to  meet  him.  The  whole  party  shortly  returned,  and 
General  Weitzel  ordered  me  to  follow  him  into  the  city. 

This  I  did,  but  we  had  not  advanced  many  rods  before  the 
smoke  became  so  thick  as  to  make  it  impossible  to  see  even  a 
few  feet  in  advance,  and  for  this  reason,  I  suppose,  I  missed  the 
general,  he  turning  to  the  right  towards  the  upper  part  of  the 
city,  and  I  to  the  left  towards  the  river.  We  had  not  gone  far 
before  I  discovered  that  I  had  become  separated  from  him,  and 
was  uncertain  how  to  proceed,  when  on  a  lamp-post  at  a  corner 
I  read  the  words,  "  Main  Street."  Thinking  this  would  at 
least  conduct  us  to  the  central  part  of  the  city  and  assist  in  find 
ing  the  capitol  grounds,  I  turned  into  it.  The  scene  that  met 
our  eyes  here  almost  bafHes  description.  Pandemonium  reigned 
supreme.  Two  large  iron-clads  near  by  in  the  river  exploded 
with  a  deafening  crash,  the  concussion  sweeping  numbers  of 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    RICHMOND  67 

people  off  their  feet.  The  street  we  were  in  was  one  compact 
mass  of  frenzied  people,  and  it  was  only  with  the  greatest  diffi 
culty  that  we  were  able  to  force  our  way  along.  Had  they  been 
hostile  our  lives  would  not  have  been  worth  a  moment's  pur 
chase.  But  the  poor  colored  people  hailed  our  appearance  with 
the  most  extravagant  expressions  of  joy.  They  crowded  into 
the  ranks  and  besought  permission  to  carry  the  soldiers'  knap 
sacks  and  muskets.  They  clapped  them  on  the  back,  hung 
about  their  necks,  and  "  God  bless  you,"  and  "  Thank  God,  the 
Yankees  have  come,"  resounded  on  every  side.  Women, 
emaciated,  barefoot,  with  but  one  scanty  skirt  made  from  old 
bags,  fell  on  their  knees  in  the  street,  and  with  clasped  hands 
and  streaming  eyes  thanked  God  that  their  sufferings  were 
ended  at  last.  Others  with  little  children,  wretched  little  skele 
tons,  clinging  to  their  scanty  skirts  and  crying  with  hunger  and 
fright,  pressed  into  the  ranks  and  begged  most  piteously  for 
food.  One  woman,  I  distinctly  remember,  with  three  little  pale, 
starved  girls  clinging  about  her,  herself  barefoot,  bareheaded, 
thinly  and  miserably  clad,  seized  my  arm  with  a  vise-like  grip, 
and  begged  for  the  love  of  God,  for  just  a  morsel  for  her 
starving  children.  They  had  tasted  nothing  since  Sunday  morn 
ing,  and  then  only  a  spoonful  of  dry  meal.  I  gave  her  the 
contents  of  my  haversack,  and  one  man  in  the  ranks,  a  great, 
rough,  swearing  fellow,  poured  into  her  lap  his  entire  three  days' 
rations  of  pork  and  hard  bread,  thrust  a  ten  dollar  greenback,  all 
the  money  he  possessed,  into  her  hand,  swearing  like  a  pirate  all 
the  while  as  a  means  of  relief  to  his  overcharged  feelings,  their 
intensity  being  abundantly  evident  by  the  tears  which  coursed 
rapidly  down  his  cheeks.  I  feel  sure  that  the  recording  angel, 
as  he  charged  up  this  man's  profanity  against  him  in  the 
book  of  life,  kindly  blotted  it  out  with  a  tear,  in  consideration  of 
the  circumstances  which  called  it  forth. 

The  gutters  literally  ran  whiskey.  The  members  of  the  City 
Council,  foreseeing  the  mischief  that  would  ensue  should  the 
liquor  shops  be  sacked,  had  rolled  all  the  barrels  to  the  curb- 


68  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

stone,  knocked  in  their  heads,  and  emptied  their  contents  into 
the  gutters.  The  poisonous  flood  rolled  like  a  river  of  death 
rapidly  on  into  the  sewers,  while  the  atmosphere  fairly  reeked 
with  its  unsavory  odor.  The  rougher  element  of  the  population, 
white  and  black  alike,  were  dipping  up  the  vile  stuff  with  their 
hands,  and  pouring  it  down  their  throats.  The  shrill  whistle  of 
locomotives  sounded  loud  and  frequent  in  the  near  distance,  as 
train  after  train  hurried  away  bearing  frantic  citizens  with  what 
valuables  they  had  time  to  secure.  Bands  of  thieves  and  rascals 
of  every  degree,  broken  loose  from  the  penitentiary,  were  entering 
the  stores  on  either  side  the  street  and  stealing  whatever  they 
could  lay  their  hands  upon,  while  the  entire  black  population 
seemed  out  of  doors  and  crazy  with  delight.  Tumult,  violence, 
riot,  pillage,  everywhere  prevailed,  and  as  if  these  were  not 
enough  to  illustrate  the  horrors  of  war,  the  roar  of  the  flames, 
the  clanging  of  bells,  and  general  uproar  and  confusion  were 
sufficient  to  appall  the  stoutest  heart.  Fearing  violence  from 
some  unexpected  source  in  the  midst  of  such  fearful  scenes,  I 
looked  about  for  some  avenue  of  escape  into  a  less  crowded 
street,  where  I  could  more  easily  keep  the  soldiers  apart  from 
the  populace,  but  none  presented  itself.  At  length  the  heat  be 
came  so  great  that  we  could  proceed  no  further.  Our  hair  and 
beards  were  scorched,  our  clothing  smoked,  the  air  we  breathed 
was  like  a  furnace  blast,  and  many  of  the  men,  weighed  down  as 
they  were  with  musket,  knapsacks,  blanket,  ammunition,  and  other 
accoutrements,  were  well-nigh  exhausted.  Three  fire  engines 
were  burning  in  the  street  immediately  before  us.  On  the  side 
walk  near  by  lay  the  bodies  of  three  young  girls  burnt  to  a  crisp. 
People  jumped  from  the  windows  of  burning  buildings ;  others 
with  wildly  waving  arms  shrieked  for  help,  not  daring  to  take  the 
fatal  leap.  On  a  lamp-post  just  at  my  right,  I  read  the  words 
"  Fourteenth  Street,"  and  turning  to  a  citizen  who  stood  in  a 
porch  on  the  corner,  I  asked  him  to  direct  me  to  the  capitol. 
"  Turn  right  up  here,"  he  said,  "  go  straight  on  for  two  or  three 
streets,  and  you  will  see  it  just  on  your  left."  He  also  added 


THE  CAPTURE  OF  RICHMOND  69 

that  General  Early,  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  Confederate 
cavalry,  had  passed  along  only  a  moment  before,  and  with  out 
stretched  hand  showed  us  through  the  smoke  the  rearmost 
rank. 

Following  his  directions  we  soon  arrived  at  the  capitol,  where 
arms  were  stacked,  and  the  wearied  soldiers  threw  themselves 
upon  the  ground  to  rest.  It  was  not  long  before  an  orderly  from 
General  Weitzel  rode  up  with  orders  to  report  to  him  at  once  in 
the  house  recently  occupied  by  Jefferson  Davis,  not  far  from 
the  capitol.  Upon  presenting  myself,  I  was  ordered  to  patrol  the 
streets  of  the  city  with  a  sufficient  number  of  men,  to  order  all 
the  colored  people  to  their  homes,  there  to  remain  until  further 
orders,  and  to  arrest  every  person  in  Confederate  uniform  of 
whatever  rank,  and  bring  them  to  General  Weitzel' s  head 
quarters.  In  this  work  I  was  busily  engaged  for  nearly  three 
entire  days.  General  Lee's  army,  after  the  surrender,  poured 
into  Richmond  by  thousands.  The  city  swarmed  with  them. 
We  gathered  them  in  from  the  streets,  the  saloons,  the 
houses,  wherever  the  homeless,  starving  wretches  could  find 
warmth  and  shelter.  Several  times  a  day  I  marched  down 
Broad  Street  at  the  head  of  two  or  three  hundred  officers  and 
privates,  halting  for  a  moment  at  General  Weitzel' s  door  until 
they  could  be  counted,  then  continuing  on  to  Libby  Prison  and 
Castle  Thunder,  where  they  were  locked  up  until  the  peace  and 
safety  of  the  city  were  assured,  when  they  were  allowed  to  de 
part  whithersoever  they  would.  During  those  three  days  both 
those  historic  buildings  were  literally  packed  from  cellar  to  roof 
with  Confederate  prisoners,  a  piece  of  retributive  justice  which 
gave  solid  comfort  and  satisfaction  to  all  who  witnessed  it. 

The  same  tumultuous  scenes  just  described  were  visible 
throughout  the  city.  The  spacious  capitol  grounds  afforded  the 
only  spot  of  refuge,  and  these  were  crowded  with  women  and 
children,  bearing  in  their  arms  and  upon  their  heads  their  most 
cherished  possessions.  Piles  of  furniture  lay  scattered  in  every 
direction,  and  about  them  clustered  the  hungry  and  destitute 


70  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

family  groups,  clinging  to  each  other  with  the  energy  of  despair. 
One  of  the  most  touching  sights  amid  these  accumulated 
horrors,  was  that  of  a  little  girl  —  a  toddling  infant  —  holding 
her  kitten  tightly  under  her  arm,  a  dilapidated  rag  doll  in  one 
hand  and  grasping  her  mother's  gown  with  the  other,  as  they 
sought  shelter  from  the  showers  of  cinders,  under  the  capitol 
steps. 

The  constant  explosion  of  ammunition  in  the  arsenals 
seemed  almost  like  a  battle.  Many  citizens  were  killed  by  the 
flying  fragments.  Many  were  burned  to  death.  In  one  house 
seventeen  people  perished  from  the  flames.  The  sick,  the  aged, 
helpless  and  infirm,  left  to  themselves  in  the  general  panic, 
could  only  pray  for  deliverance,  which  came  to  them  when  the 
flames  had  stifled  their  prayers  in  death. 

Seven  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  loaded  shells  in  the 
arsenals,  exploding  from  the  heat,  tore  their  way  through 
houses,  ploughed  up  the  streets  and  the  gardens,  and  spread 
death  and  destruction  on  every  hand.  The  whole  city  jarred 
and  vibrated  with  horrid  sounds,  while  warehouses,  stores, 
mills,  bridges,  depots,  and  dwellings  went  down  by  scores  and 
hundreds.  The  streets  leading  to  the  railroad  stations  were 
filled  with  a  frantic  mob,  pushing,  struggling,  cursing,  trampling 
each  other  without  mercy  in  their  efforts  to  get  away  with  what 
plunder  they  could  carry.  No  troops  of  either  army  were  in 
sight,  only  rebel  stragglers,  whose  long  familiarity  with  similar 
scenes  rendered  them,  no  doubt,  the  only  cool-headed  and 
indifferent  spectators  of  these  appalling  sights.  Over  and  above 
all  the  terrible  roar  of  the  conflagration  as  it  leaped  from 
building  to  building,  from  street  to  street,  filled  the  whole  city 
with  its  scorching  breath,  and  lent  added  horrors  to  the  scene. 

Upon  starting  out  on  one  of  these  Confederate-arresting  expe 
ditions  that  morning  a  couple  of  hours  or  so  after  first  entering 
the  city,  we  heard  the  strains  of  "  Yankee  Doodle  "  by  a  mili 
tary  band,  and  looking  in  the  direction  from  which  the  strains 
proceeded,  we  perceived  a  column  of  Union  troops  just  appear- 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    RICHMOND  J\ 

ing  at  the  lower  end  of  the  city.  A  few  moments  more  and  a 
whole  wall  of  shining  bayonets  came  into  view  just  over  the 
brow  of  the  hill  flashing  brightly  in  the  sunshine,  and  above 
them  the  regimental  flags  waving  in  the  morning  breeze.  It 
was  the  Third  Division  of  the  Twenty-Fourth  Army  Corps. 
The  First  Brigade,  General  Ripley,  led  the  column,  and  the  I3th 
New  Hampshire,  the  oldest  regiment  in  the  brigade,  held  the 
post  of  honor  on  the  right,  and  was  consequently  the  first  regi 
ment  to  enter  the  city.  As  they  came  abreast  of  where  we 
stood  I  halted  my  little  force  and  exchanged  salutes  as  they 
passed.  The  first  duty  to  which  they  were  assigned  was  to 
extinguish  the  fires  which  the  enemy  had  kindled,  and  to  aid  in 
restoring  order  throughout  the  city.  In  less  than  forty-eight 
hours  all  this  was  accomplished.  The  evil  disposed  either 
fled  the  city  or  were  unearthed  from  their  hiding-places  and 
received  swift  punishment  at  the  hands  of  an  authority  that 
indulged  in  no  triflings  and  whose  judgments  could  neither  be 
disregarded  nor  overruled.  Human  life  and  property  became  in 
that  brief  time  as  safe  as  in  any  city  in  the  land,  and  Richmond 
enjoyed  a  safety  and  repose  she  had  not  known  for  years. 
Business  soon  resumed  its  sway,  confidence  was  restored,  and 
the  people  exulted  openly  in  their  escape  from  the  despotism  and 
outrages  which  they  had  experienced  from  the  Confederate 
authorities.  With  so  much  destitution,  misery  and  ruin  there 
was  of  course  great  need  of  immediate  relief ;  and  this  was 
freely  given.  An  endless  procession  of  citizens,  rich  and  poor, 
black  and  white  alike,  presented  itself  daily  at  the  depots  for 
provisions  and  supplies,  and  received  food,  medicine,  clothing, 
care  and  protection.  A  guard  was  placed  over  General  Lee's 
house  when  he  returned  to  it  a  few  days  after  the  surrender,  and 
he  and  his  family  were  protected  against  intrusion  and  annoy 
ance.  All  shared  freely  in  the  bounty  of  the  government  which 
they  had  fought  desperately  for  four  years  to  destroy.  History 
may  be  searched  in  vain  for  a  similar  illustration  of  obedience  to 
the  divine  injunction  to  forgive  and  feed  one's  enemies. 


72  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

The  behavior  of  the  Northern  troops  was  all  that  could  be 
desired.  No  brawls,  disturbances,  or  conflicts  with  the  citizens 
occurred,  and  ladies  walked  the  streets  unattended  and  in  per 
fect  security.  The  loyal  citizens,  who  all  through  the  war  had 
been  suppressed  and  silent,  now  uttered  their  sentiments  freely 
and  without  fear.  The  roll  of  the  Northern  drum  was  no 
sooner  heard  in  the  streets  than  this  element  broke  forth  impet 
uously  and  greeted  it  with  heartiest  cheers  ;  loyal  eyes  grew  dim 
at  sight  of  the  flag  they  had  so  long  vainly  hungered  to  behold, 
and  as  its  protecting  folds  floated  from  roof  and  balcony  and 
window,  all  rejoiced  in  its  supremacy.  Human  slavery  was  for 
ever  ended,  and  God-given  Liberty  was  henceforth  the  common 
heritage  of  all. 


THE  LEFT  ATTACK  (EWELL'S)  AT 
GETTYSBURG 


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SECOND    DAY, 


THE  LEFT  ATTACK  (EWELL'S)  AT  GETTYSBURG 

BY 

BREVET-CAPTAIN    EDWARD    N.    WHITTIER,  U.  S.  V. 

THE  returns  of  the  First  Army  Corps  for  June  30,  1863, 
give  "present  for  duty  equipped"  708  officers  and  9,314  en 
listed  men.  Of  these,  there  were  '  killed,  wounded,  or  captured,' 
in  the  first  day's  fight  at  Gettysburg,  as  nearly  as  can  be  ascer 
tained,  sixty  per  cent. 

Barely  twenty-four  hundred  fighting  men  of  the  corps  found 
their  way  up  the  slopes  of  Cemetery  Hill,  and  formed  lines 
anew  in  this  position,  at  the  close  of  that  first  day's  desperate 
struggle.  No  sight  more  welcome  ever  strengthened  the  hearts 
of  soldiers,  than  that  which  burst  upon  our  longing  eyes,  when, 
escaping  capture  in  the  streets  and  lanes  of  Gettysburg,  we 
gained  the  plateau  of  East  Cemetery  Hill.  From  this  high 
ground  which  dominated  the  town  and  the  fields,  in  all  directions 
save  one,  there  was  an  unobstructed  view  of  rolling  country 
open  and  accessible  to  the  fire  of  our  guns.  To  the  north  and 
northeast  the  town  and  the  scattered  buildings  along  its  edge  ; 
to  the  right  and  east,  a  great  expanse  of  farming  country  bi 
sected  by  Rock  Creek,  which,  flowing  in  a  southeasterly  direc 
tion,  ran  nearly  parallel  to  that  portion  of  our  front  ;  in  the 
southeast  and  at  a  distance  of  about  seven  hundred  yards,  Gulp's 
Hill,  bold,  rough  and  densely  wooded,  rising  from  the  bed  of  the 
stream  whose  tortuous  channel  skirted  its  eastern  base  for  nearly 
three-quarters  of  a  mile,  until  its  southern  slopes  merged  in  the 
swamp,  rocky  and  almost  impassable,  separating  Gulp's  from 
Wolf's  Hill  bristling  with  the  welcome  bayonets  of  the  Twelfth 
Corps.  Following  a  course  almost  southerly,  the  Baltimore 
pike  reached  nearly  to  the  horizon,  covered  with  fugitives,  or 

75 


76  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

masked  by  the  dust  of  columns  hurrying  to  the  front.  To  the 
southwest,  the  Round  Tops,  and  in  the  west  the  splendid  spec 
tacle  of  Buf ord's  cavalry,  in  lines  of  battalions  in  mass,  stand 
ing  steady  as  if  on  parade,  unshaken  and  undaunted  in  face  of 
the  advancing  victorious  Confederate  infantry. 

But  more  than  this,  and  of  deepest  significance  to  all  who 
saw  it,  in  the  center  of  the  plateau  was  a  group  of  generals  with 
staff  officers  and  orderlies.  It  was  a  scene  of  the  utmost  ac 
tivity,  yet  there  was  no  confusion.  The  condition  was  changed 
from  that  described  by  General  Buford  in  the  morning,  when  he 
informed  General  Pleasanton  of  the  sad  tidings  of  Reynolds' s 
death,  adding,  "in  my  opinion  there  seems  to  be  no  directing 
person,"  for,  in  the  center  of  the  group,  on  horseback,  unmoved 
by  all  the  confusion  among  the  retreating  soldiers,  sat  a  man, 
born  to  command,  competent  to  evolve  order  out  of  the  chaos, 
the  master  of  the  first  position  that  day  found  for  successful 
resistance.  I  shall  never  forget  (for  I  reported  to  him  for 
orders)  the  inspiration  of  his  commanding,  controlling  presence, 
and  the  fresh  courage  he  imparted.  I  recall  even  his  linen,  clean 
and  white,  his  collar  open  at  the  neck,  and  his  broad  wristbands 
rolled  back  from  his  firm,  finely  moulded  hand.  This  was 
General  Hancock. 

The  spirit  of  victory,  high  and  controlling,  pervaded  the  army 
of  Northern  Virginia,  the  outgrowth  of  '  Second  Bull  Run,' 
Fredericksburg,  Chancellorsville,  and  even  of  Antietam  ;  to 
which  was  added  the  elation  arising  from  the  unexpected  suc 
cess  of  the  first  day.  There  was  disappointment  because  of  the 
failure  to  seize  Gulp's  and  Cemetery  Hills  when  these  positions 
were  almost  in  their  grasp  on  the  afternoon  of  the  first  day. 
There  remained  however  the  assurance  that  Longstreet  could 
and  would  attack  and  break  through  our  left,  that  no  rein 
forcements  could  be  taken  from  our  center,  so  closely  watched 
by  Hill,  and  the  hope  that  Meade  would  be  forced  to  weaken  his 
right  to  reinforce  his  left,  and  diminish  the  resistance  at  that 
point ;  for  it  is  to  be  constantly  borne  in  mind  in  the  narration  of 


THP:    LEFT    ATTACK  77 

the  events  of  the  second  day,  that  General  Lee  had  issued  orders 
that  our  flanks  should  be  attacked  simultaneously  by  Longstreet 
and  by  Ewell,  while  Hill,  carefully  watching  the  center,  should 
throw  his  whole  force  against  that  part  of  our  line  on  the  slight 
est  sign  of  an  opportunity,  and  secure  a  foothold  on  the  northern 
slopes  of  Cemetery  Hill.  These  were  the  arguments  presented 
to  the  Confederate  leaders,  changing  the  plan  adopted  at  Fred- 
ericksburg  and  leading  up  to  the  attacks,  one  of  which  I  have 
selected  for  my  subject. 

Gulp's  Hill,  of  which  Early  could  have  taken  possession  on 
the  first  day  without  striking  a  blow,  rises  strong,  bold,  and 
precipitous,  out  of  the  bed  of  Rock  Creek,  about  seven  hundred 
yards  southeast  from  East  Cemetery  Hill.  The  highest  point, 
about  one  hundred  and  twenty  rods  from  the  Baltimore  pike,  is 
also  the  most  northern,  and  the  ridge,  sloping  gradually,  follows 
a  southeast  course  until  it  merges  in  the  swamp,  full  of  large 
boulders,  separating  Gulp's  from  Wolf's  Hill.  The  greater  part 
of  its  northern  face  and  the  whole  of  its  eastern  slope  are 
heavily  timbered,  difficult  of  ascent  and  exceedingly  rocky. 
The  hill  commands  the  valley  of  Rock  Creek,  faces  Benner's 
Hill,  and  completely  flanks  the  plateau  of  East  Cemetery  Hill. 
Some  of  the  Confederate  reports  mention  Gulp's  Hill  as  a 
mountain,  and  others  speak  of  Rock  Creek,  or  run,  as  a  branch 
at  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  so  high  and  abrupt  did  it  appear  to 
their  officers  from  the  vantage  ground  of  Benner's  Hill,  and 
from  that  which  later  was  known  as  "Hospital  Hill."  On  the 
northwestern  face  of  Gulp's  Hill,  on  a  small  knoll,  General 
Hancock  had  placed  the  5th  Maine  Battery,  six  12-pounders, 
facing  the  town  and  commanding  the  valley  separating  Gulp's 
and  Cemetery  Hills,  and  also  the  steep  acclivities  of  the  eastern 
face  of  the  spur  known  as  Cemetery  Ridge.  Joining  the  right 
of  the  battery  and  extending  easterly  to  the  highest  point  of 
Gulp's  Hill,  thence  southerly  along  its  crest,  was  Wadsworth's 
division  of  the  First  Corps  ;  later,  and  joining  the  right  of  this 
small  division,  the  Second  Division  of  the  Twelfth  Corps  swung 


78  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

into  line,  the  brigade  of  General  Greene  of  glorious  memory,  on 
the  division  left ;  the  remainder  of  the  Twelfth  Corps,  increased 
by  Lockwood's  Independent  Brigade,  lay  in  a  southeast  direc 
tion,  following  the  crest  and  the  most  defensible  positions,  until 
the  extreme  right  rested  in  the  low  grounds  and  woods  near 
McCallister's  Mill.  Lockwood  was  on  the  extreme  right  and 
refused,  nearly  touching  the  Baltimore  pike. 

The  woods  covering  the  greater  portion  of  this  part  of  our 
line  afforded  excellent  material  for  the  construction  of  rifle  pits, 
and  during  the  night  of  the  first  and  the  early  morning  of  the 
second  day,  men  accustomed  to  woodcraft  built  log  breastworks, 
felling  the  trees  and  blocking  them  up  into  a  close  log  fence, 
battening  with  cord-wood  from  piles  close  at  hand,  and  sur 
mounting  the  whole  with  "head-logs,"  which  later  proved  of 
inestimable  value  in  the  close  contact  of  the  contending  forces. 
So  formidable  were  these  works  in  places,  that  the  Confederates 
reported  them  to  be  log  forts  requiring  scaling  ladders  for  their 
successful  assault.  Some  of  our  regiments,  more  fortunate  than 
others,  had  picks  and  spades,  and  strengthened  their  works  ma 
terially  with  earth.  All  along  the  line,  earth,  logs,  boulders, 
cord-wood,  brush,  in  fact  everything  that  could  be  made  useful, 
was  taken  advantage  of  to  complete  the  line  of  defence. 

About  ten  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  second  the  line  of 
defence  was  in  a  great  measure  completed,  although  the  men 
were  busied  for  the  larger  part  of  the  day,  in  strengthening 
angles,  and  developing  salients  wherever  the  ground  admitted, 
and  in  Greene's  lines,  under  the  personal  direction  of  that  gal 
lant  and  most  accomplished  officer,  in  constructing  a  traverse 
from  his  right  along  a  ridge  which,  nearly  at  a  right  angle  to  his 
front,  ran  back  towards  the  Baltimore  pike.  The  construction 
of  this  supplementary  line  of  defence  provoked  much  complaint 
from  the  men,  already  nearly  exhausted  by  the  severe  labor  of 
the  night  and  early  morning,  and  seemed  at  the  time  uncalled 
for,  so  strong  were  our  lines  at  this  point,  but  the  men,  who, 
while  toiling  under  the  hot  sun,  cursed  their  brigade  commander, 


THE    LEFT    ATTACK  79 

before  night  fell  blessed  the  high  soldierly  instinct  and  foresight, 
which  gave  protection  in  the  evening  when  Johnson's  victorious 
columns,  sweeping  before  them  the  thin  line  left  to  hold  the 
rifle-pits  vacated  by  the  Twelfth  Corps  (sent  across  to  reinforce 
our  left  hard  pressed  by  Longstreet),  turned  the  right  of 
Greene's  brigade,  and  were  held  in  check  at  this  point  by  a 
small  force  behind  the  traverse.  The  great  importance  of  this 
result  will  appear  later  on. 

It  was  after  Longstreet' s  attack  had  made  great  headway, 
that  there  was  presented  to  our  gaze  the  spectacle  of  a  Confed 
erate  battery  thrown  into  "action  front"  on  the  ground  sloping 
towards  us,  and  just  to  the  north  of  the  high  ground  since 
known  as  Benner's  Hill.  It  was  the  initial  movement  of  An 
drew's  Battalion  of  Light  Artillery  of  Johnson's  division,  tak 
ing  position,  closely  crowded  on  the  slope  and  crest  of  this  small 
knoll.  A  short  distance  to  the  north  were  two  guns  of  large 
calibre,  3<D-pounders,  and  still  farther  north,  at  longer  range, 
rifled  batteries  were  established,  all  concentrating  their  fire  on 
P^ast  Cemetery  Hill,  and  enfilading  our  lines  along  the  Northern 
slope  of  Cemetery  Ridge  beyond  the  burial  ground.  Six  Con 
federate  batteries  in  all  were  engaged  in  this  attack. 

The  reply  was  quick  and  effective.  Weidrich,  Ricketts  and 
Reynolds  on  the  plateau  and  southern  slope  of  the  hill,  Taft's 
2O-pounders  back  in  the  cemetery,  the  5th  Maine  smooth  bores 
on  Gulp's  Hill,  and  two  guns  of  Knapp's  Pennsylvania  battery 
on  the  very  crown  of  Gulp's  Hill,  opened  fire.  In  less  than 
half  an  hour  four  of  the  Confederate  limbers  or  caissons  were 
exploded,  the  men  driven  from  the  guns  and  the  batteries 
silenced. 

Nowhere  on  the  field  of  Gettysburg  was  such  havoc  wrought 
by  artillery  on  artillery,  and  the  wreck  of  Andrew's  Battalion, 
in  dead  horses,  shattered  guns,  and  ammunition  carriages  left  on 
the  field,  was  for  months  a  noteworthy  feature.  The  command 
ing  officer,  Major  Latimer,  died  of  wounds  received  here.  One 
captain  and  one  lieutenant  were  severely  wounded,  one  non-com- 


80  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

missioned  officer  and  nine  enlisted  men  were  killed.  Two  non 
commissioned  officers  and  thirty  men  were  wounded,  and  thirty 
horses  were  killed.  In  Carpenter's  battery  alone,  five  men 
were  killed,  nineteen  badly,  and  several  others  slightly  wounded. 

Our  guns  cooled,  but  hot  apprehension  seized  us,  as  with 
our  glasses  we  watched  the  fearful  struggle  on  the  left,  our 
infantry  falling  back  and  our  lines  driven  in  from  the  high 
ground  at  the  Peach  Orchard  and  the  Emmetsburg  road. 
About  six  o'clock,  and  directly  in  rear  of  the  position  I  occupied 
with  the  5th  Maine  Battery,  the  Twelfth  Corps,  at  a  double 
quick,  poured  out  of  its  works  in  the  woods  on  Gulp's  Hill,  and 
crossed  the  Baltimore  pike  in  response  to  the  urgent  need  and 
call  for  reinforcements  along  the  Third  and  Fifth  Corps  fronts. 
Almost  at  the  very  hour  the  Twelfth  Corps  was  vacating  the 
breastworks  on  Gulp's  Hill,  General  Ewell  ordered  the  advance 
of  Johnson's  division.  This  division,  in  position  on  the  extreme 
left  of  the  Confederate  army  and  somewhat  refused,  had  during 
the  day  occupied  the  fields  in  the  Gulp  farm  beyond  the  Han 
over  road  in  a  general  direction  northeast  from  Gulp's  Hill,  and 
at  a  distance  of  a  little  more  than  a  mile.  Jones'  brigade  had 
been  thrown  forward  in  support  of  the  artillery  on  Benner's 
Hill,  and  halted  under  cover  of  a  range  of  low  hills  about  three 
hundred  yards  in  rear  and  to  the  left  of  Andrew's  Battalion. 

No  one  of  high  rank  in  the  Confederate  army  knew,  as 
Johnson  did,  the  difficulties  in  the  path  of  an  assaulting  column, 
the  vital  importance  of  this  position  to  our  army,  or  the  near 
ness  of  the  prize,  the  Baltimore  pike,  to  gain  which  he  must 
exert  his  best  endeavor.  On  the  preceding  afternoon,  his  engi 
neer  officer  had  crossed  Rock  Creek  and  with  a  small  force  of 
infantry  for  protection,  scaled  the  steep  acclivities  of  the  eastern 
face  of  Gulp's  Hill,  and  from  its  commanding  crest  looked  down 
upon  the  narrow  line  of  fields  and  the  pike  almost  at  his  feet.  He 
had  secured  information  of  the  utmost  importance  ;  for  within  one 
hundred  and  twenty  rods  was  the  Baltimore  turnpike,  our  line  of 
retreat.  Even  at  that  hour  its  value  in  such  emergency  was  being 


THE    LEFT   ATTACK  8 1 

demonstrated,  for  it  was  crowded  with  men  and  teams,  a  confused 
throng,  struggling  to  escape  the  wreck  and  havoc  wrought  by 
that  day  of  disaster  to  Federal  arms.  This  officer  barely  escaped 
capture.  Some  of  his  men  were  taken  prisoners  by  the  skir 
mishers  of  the  1 7th  Indiana,  while  extending  our  line  to  the 
right  by  General  Hancock's  orders. 

From  his  position  on  Benner's  Hill,  General  Johnson  had 
full  in  his  front  the  wooded  outlines  of  Gulp's  Hill.  Concealed 
behind  this  high  ridge,  but  in  close  and  dangerous  proximity  to 
it  and  commanded  by  it,  lay  the  Baltimore  pike,  separating  the 
narrow  fields  on  the  western  slopes  of  Gulp's  Hill  from  the 
ground  holding  in  dense  park  our  reserve  ammunition  trains. 
Could  he  possess  himself  of  this  ridge,  he  might  turn  our  flank 
and  place  his  command  across  the  line  of  retreat  for  more  than 
two  thirds  of  the  Potomac  Army. 

Through  an  interval,  now  closed  by  trees,  in  the  valley  be 
tween  Benner's  and  Gulp's  Hills,  our  officers  on  the  plateau  of 
East  Cemetery  Hill  had  some  time  before  this,  caught  sight  of 
Johnson's  troops  passing  to  our  right,  and  a  brisk  artillery  fire 
was  opened  upon  them  and  maintained  as  long  as  they  were  in 
sight.  Crossing  Rock  Creek  by  various  fords,  the  enemy 
reached  the  base  of  Gulp's  Hill,  driving  in  our  skirmishers  on 
Greene's  front  and  making  a  sharp  attack  on  that  brigade,  which 
was  attempting  to  obey  General  Slocum's  order  "  to  occupy  the 
breastworks  thrown  up  by  the  corps."  As  nearly  as  can  be 
ascertained  this  was  about  half  past  seven,  and  Ireland's  regi 
ment,  the  1 37th  New  York,  strung  out  in  a  thin  line  of  men 
quite  widely  separated,  had  barely  time  to  gain  the  protection  of 
the  breastworks  vacated  by  Kane's  brigade  on  Greene's  right, 
when  the  enemy  attacked  most  vigorously  the  whole  front  with 
large  force,  and  for  nearly  an  hour  the  fight  to  dislodge  Greene 
by  a  front  attack,  and  to  gain  possession  of  his  works,  was  urged 
with  extreme  gallantry.  The  enemy  made  four  distinct  charges 
between  7.30  and  9  P.M.,  and  was  repulsed  with  great  loss. 
Soon  after  he  appeared  in  force  on  the  right  flank  of  Ireland's 


82  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

regiment,  which  had  been  reinforced  by  a  regiment  sent  from 
the  Eleventh  Corps.  As  the  enemy  advanced,  this  regiment 
broke  and  fled,  placing  Greene's  right  in  a  most  critical  position. 
Colonel  Ireland  met  the  flank  attack  with  bravery  and  soldierly 
skill,  forming  his  right  company  at  right  angles  with  the  breast 
works  and  checking  by  a  stubborn  resistance  the  movement  on 
his  flank.  He  held  his  ground  until  the  heavy  loss  in  killed  and 
wounded  by  a  fire  from  three  sides,  forced  him  back  to  the 
works  occupied  by  his  brigade.  Here  he  formed  line  behind 
the  traverse  built  by  General  Greene  in  the  early  part  of  the 
day,  which  now  served  its  grand  purpose,  by  arresting  at  once 
all  further  movement  against  this  portion  of  our  line.  I  doubt 
if  in  any  part  of  the  field  to-day,  the  soldier  and  the  student  of 
the  history  of  this  desperate  conflict,  lingers  longer  or  more 
fondly  than  about  the  fast  fading  traces  of  this  traverse  on  the 
right  of  General  Greene's  line,  built  in  the  quiet  of  the  morning 
of  the  second  day,  a  strong  line  of  defence  in  the  gloom  of  im 
pending  disaster  when  night  closed  on  the  doubtful  issue  of  the 
Confederate  assaults  on  the  right  of  our  line  on  Gulp's  Hill. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  attack,  General  Greene  had  sent 
urgent  requests  for  help  to  General  Wadsworth,  on  his  imme 
diate  left,  and  to  General  Howard  on  Cemetery  Hill.  These 
officers  responded  promptly,  sending  six  regiments,  aggregating 
seven  hundred  and  fifty-five  men  all  told.  Good  service  was 
rendered  by  these  most  welcome  reinforcements,  in  relieving  the 
regiments  whose  ammunition  had  been  used  up  or  whose  rifles 
had  fouled.  Greene's  brigade,  with  unflinching  courage,  main 
tained  its  desperate  position  during  the  series  of  attacks  lasting 
two  and  one  half  hours,  in  the  face  of  vastly  superior  numbers. 
The  large  number  of  Confederate  dead  and  wounded  close  up 
under  the  works  attested  their  high  valor.  This  determined  re 
sistance  compelled  the  enemy  to  discontinue  the  attack  about  10 
P.M.,  but  he  remained  in  occupancy  of  that  part  of  the  ridge  and  of 
the  works  vacated  by  the  First  Division,  Twelfth  Corps,  as  well  as 
the  works  built  by  Candy's  and  Kane's  brigades,  Second  Division. 


THE    LEFT    ATTACK  83 

General  Greene  still  bravely  held  his  original  front,  with  the  1 37th 
New  York  at  right  angles  to  the  rest  of  the  brigade,  behind  the 
traverse.  Kane's  brigade,  returning  about  9  P.M.,  when  within 
two  hundred  paces  of  the  breastworks,  received  a  sharp  fire, 
which  at  the  time  was  supposed  to  come  from  the  First  Brigade 
(Candy's),  misled  by  the  darkness.  The  men  were  ordered  not 
to  reply,  and  were  withdrawn  to  the  turnpike,  where  a  staff  officer 
of  General  Greene,  sent  for  the  purpose,  advised  Colonel  Kane 
that  the  intrenchments  were  in  possession  of  the  enemy.  About 
one  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  3d,  Candy's  brigade,  which 
had  been  held  in  readiness  in  the  fields  across  the  Baltimore 
pike,  crossed  that  road  and  took  position  in  a  double  line  along 
a  narrow  lane,  the  right  resting  in  an  orchard  near  the  house  of 
Henry  Spangler.  This  position  was  somewhat  screened  from 
the  enemy's  observation  by  woods,  and  the  various  alignments 
were  made  with  the  utmost  quiet  within  a  few  rods  of  the 
enemy's  line. 

During  the  night  prisoners  from  the  forces  occupying  our 
breastworks  were  brought  in,  —  they  were  from  Stewart's  and 
Jones'  brigades ;  and  our  men  deployed  as  skirmishers,  carefully 
feeling  their  way,  and  exchanging  frequent  shots  with  the 
enemy,  reported  that  our  works  to  the  south  of  the  "  Swale" 
were  unoccupied.  A  few  prisoners  were  taken  there  also,  pre 
sumably  from  scouting  parties  of  the  enemy,  but  Co.  F,  2d 
Massachusetts  Infantry,  skirmishing,  developed  a  large  force  of 
Confederates  in  our  works  to  the  north  of  the  "  Swale,"  and 
having  advanced  into  the  woods,  where  in  the  darkness  it  was 
impossible  to  tell  friend  from  foe,  found  itself  in  the  midst  of  a 
brigade  of  the  enemy's  troops.  Here  it  captured  twenty-three 
prisoners,  among  them  a  captain,  and  brought  all  in  with  a  loss 
of  only  two  men. 

Our  right  flank  was  once  more  guarded.  The  night  ad 
vanced,  broken  by  occasional  volleys  from  Greene's  front  on  the 
eastern  face  of  Gulp's  Hill,  and  scattering  shots  from  the  angle, 
and  along  the  traverse.  Through  the  woods,  among  the 


84  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

wounded  between  the  lines,  brave  men  crept  over  the  great 
rocks  and  fallen  trees,  bearing  grateful  sustenance  to  their  suf 
fering  comrades.  The  clear,  cool  waters  of  Spangler's  spring 
reflected  in  the  moonlight,  in  turn,  Confederate  and  Union 
soldiers  ;  for  scouting  parties  from  each  side  between  midnight 
and  early  dawn,  filled  their  canteens  and  quenched  their  thirst 
where  to-day  the  hands  of  children  welcome  veterans  revisiting 
the  hard  fought  field. 

I  will  go  back  to  the  early  evening  of  the  second  day,  and 
before  describing  Early's  assault  on  the  east  face  of  Cemetery 
Hill,  will  give  the  designation  and  position  of  our  troops  there. 

Slopes  of  considerable  ruggedness,  overtopped  here  and 
there  by  steep  acclivities,  with  intervening  open  fields  irregularly 
broken  by  stone  walls,  rendered  the  position  easy  to  defend 
against  any  direct  attack  from  the  north,  but  the  decliv 
ities  of  the  east  face  of  Cemetery  Hill  were  so  abrupt,  falling 
sixty-four  feet  in  the  first  hundred  yards  and  one  hundred  and 
forty  feet  in  the  first  seven  hundred,  that  the  guns  on  the 
plateau  were  wholly  unprotected  in  event  of  assault  from  the 
east,  unless  infantry,  placed  behind  the  stone  wall  at  the  base  of 
the  hill,  should  possess  staying  qualities  of  a  high  order. 
Whether  they  did  or  did  not,  let  the  narrative  answer. 

The  Count  of  Paris  regards  the  position  of  Cemetery  Hill  as 
completing  the  strategic  advantages,  in  a  tactical  sense,  pre 
sented  by  Gettysburg,  for  it  commands  the  town  and  all  the 
roads  adjoining  it. 

The  disposition  of  the  troops  on  the  evening  of  the  second 
day  was  as  follows  :  Beginning  with  the  left  of  the  line,  resting 
on  the  Baltimore  pike,  which  crosses  the  highest  part  of  East 
Cemetery  Hill,  was  Ames's  division,  the  io7th  and  2 5th  Ohio 
facing  north,  and  75th  Ohio  and  I7th  Connecticut  facing  east. 
These  troops  were  under  the  immediate  command  of  Colonel 
Harris  of  the  75th  Ohio.  Joining  this  brigade  was  the  left  of 
Von  Gilsa's  brigade,  the  8th  and  54th  New  York,  refused,  and 
facing  southeast  ;  the  three  remaining  regiments  were  in  position 


THE    LEFT    ATTACK  85 

fronting  east,  and  behind  a  stone  wall  lower  down,  and  at  the 
base  of  the  hill.  On  the  plateau  and  high  above  the  infantry 
were  B  Battery,  4th  Artillery,  four  guns,  straddling  the  pike 
near  the  cemetery  gate  and  looking  down  into  the  town,  front 
ing  north;  Battery  I,  ist  New  York  Light  Artillery,  Weidrich ; 
Batteries  F  and  G  (consolidated),  ist  Pennsylvania  Light  Artil 
lery,  Ricketts',  facing  east  ;  and  a  short  distance  down  the 
southern  slope  and  at  the  head  of  the  valley  separating  East 
Cemetery  from  Gulp's  Hill,  Battery  L,  ist  New  York  Artillery, 
four  guns.  Back  of  Weidrich  and  Ricketts,  in  the  cemetery, 
were  two  2O-pounders,  Taft's  Independent  New  York  Battery, 
also  facing  east.  The  infantry  interval  at  the  base  of  the  hill, 
from  the  right  of  Von  Gilsa's,  was  taken  up  on  the  extreme 
right,  just  at  dusk,  by  the  33d  Massachusetts,  Colonel  Under 
wood,  the  extreme  right  of  his  regiment  resting  at  the  foot  of 
the  knoll  occupied  by  the  5th  Maine  Battery.  Underwood's 
command  faced  east  northeast. 

The  batteries  on  the  plateau  facing  east  were  placed  a  short 
distance  back  of  the  crest  behind  earthworks,  the  condition  of 
which  to-day  bears  witness  to  their  thorough  construction  at 
Steinwehr's  hands.  All  these  guns  were  long  range,  having  as 
their  objective  the  high  ground  occupied  by  the  Confederate 
infantry  and  artillery  on  the  other  side  of  Rock  Creek,  and  the 
rolling  fields  at  a  distance  of  eight  hundred  to  one  thousand 
yards  between  the  Creek  and  the  edge  of  the  town.  These  bat 
teries  had  absolutely  no  point  blank,  and  were  prevented  by  the 
sharp  descent  of  the  eastern  face  of  the  hill,  from  exerting  any 
control  over  that  portion  of  his  front  which  an  artillerist  holds  as 
his  dearest  possession,  leaving  in  its  place  a  "dead  angle,"  large 
and  of  terrible  significance,  in  the  place  of  ground  where  guns 
can  vex  and  tear  assaulting  columns  with  canister  ;  but  on  a 
small  knoll  half  way  along  the  northern  face  of  Gulp's  Hill,  which 
projects  at  this  point  like  a  salient  from  our  lines,  and  about 
three  hundred  and  fifty  to  four  hundred  yards  to  the  right  and 
somewhat  advanced  from  the  plateau  of  East  Cemetery  Hill, 


86  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

General  Hancock  had  placed  a  battery  of  i2-pounders,  the  5th 
Maine,  well  known  at  that  time  as  "  Leppien's  old  battery." 

The  guns  of  this  battery  could  reach  Benner's  Hill  and 
commanded  the  valley  and  wooded  banks  of  Rock  Creek,  and 
the  farm  lands  of  William  Gulp  between  Benner's  Hill  and  the 
edge  of  the  town,  and,  by  swinging  the  trails  sharp  to  the  right, 
the  steep  acclivities  of  East  Cemetery  Hill  were  within  canister 
range.  The  fields  at  the  foot  of  the  hill,  inaccessible  to  the 
guns  on  the  crest,  could  be  swept  clean  of  any  troops  assailing 
our  front  at  that  point  by  an  enfilading  fire  of  double  canister. 

On  the  right  of  the  battery  and  facing  north,  Wadsworth's 
division  prolonged  the  line  to  the  top  of  Gulp's  Hill,  where  the 
front  again  faced  the  east,  and  the  right  of  the  division  joined 
Greene's  brigade,  holding  the  left  of  the  Twelfth  Corps  line. 

Johnson's  attack  on  the  east  face  of  Gulp's  Hill  was  press 
ing  with  great  force  and  violence  on  Greene's  front  within  a  few 
hundred  yards  of  the  right  of  the  battery,  then  under  my  com 
mand  ;  and  because  it  seemed  that  the  enemy  would  certainly 
break  through  our  line  at  this  point,  the  right  half  battery  was 
changed  to  fire  right  oblique,  and  canister  was  brought  into  the 
works  ;  for  the  distance  to  the  woods  was  too  short  for  easy 
service  of  ammunition  from  the  limbers  of  the  pieces.  It  was 
close  to  quarter  of  eight,  the  sun  had  dropped  behind  the  Cum 
berland  mountains,  and  the  dusk  of  evening  was  creeping 
through  the  valley  of  Rock  Creek,  when  we  made  out  the 
enemy  deploying  into  line  at  a  distance  of  a  thousand  yards,  and 
forming  near  the  house  and  farm  buildings  of  William  Gulp  on 
the  outskirts  of  the  town.  This  was  the  assaulting  column  of 
Early' s  division,  Hays'  brigade,  "  Louisiana  Tigers,"  and  Hoke's 
brigade  of  North  Carolinians,  with  Gordon's  brigade  well  closed 
up  in  reserve.  Their  right  rested  on  the  town  and  the  left  on 
Rock  Creek,  near  the  foot  of  Benner's  Hill,  their  objective 
point  being  East  Cemetery  Hill  by  a  right  half  wheel  pivoting 
on  the  town. 

A    Erench   "ordnance"    glass,    the    nearest    approach    to    a 


THE    LEFT   ATTACK  87 

"  range  finder  "  for  light  artillery  at  that  time  known,  had,  that 
afternoon,  given  me  the  distance  of  all  prominent  landmarks  in 
my  front,  and  acting  under  the  permission  of  the  chief  of  artil 
lery,  kindly  granted,  I  had  proved  the  accuracy  of  the  glass  by 
solid  shot.  The  clump  of  buildings  on  the  Gulp  farm  was  one 
of  the  best  defined  objects  in  range,  and  as  quickly  as  the  enemy 
appeared,  even  while  his  lines  were  forming,  the  battery  opened 
with  spherical  case,  each  one  bursting  as  if  on  measured  ground, 
at  the  right  time  and  in  the  right  place  in  front  of  their  forma 
tion.  This  was  the  first  intimation  given  by  artillery  of  the 
Confederate  advance.  General  Underwood  afterwards  kindly 
wrote  me  of  his  feelings  on  that  occasion.  "  I  had  just  placed 
my  regiment,  the  33d  Massachusetts,  behind  the  stone  wall  at 
the  foot  of  a  hill  and  faced  northeast,  and  had  no  knowledge 
that  the  enemy  was  advancing,  when  suddenly,  right  over  my 
head,  it  seemed,  there  was  a  blaze,  a  crash,  and  a  roar,  as  if  a 
a  volcano  had  been  let  loose."  It  was  six  i2-pounders  firing  by 
battery  almost  simultaneously  ;  in  another  moment  the  battery 
was  "  firing  at  will,"  and  Weidrich,  Ricketts,  and  Reynolds  on 
the  plateau  and  slope  of  East  Cemetery  Hill,  volleyed  and 
thundered. 

This  movement  of  Early's  was  a  noteworthy  example  of  the 
independent  action  of  division  commanders,  keeping  pace  with 
the  departure  by  the  corps  commanders  from  the  orders  of  the 
General-in-chief  that  the  flank  attacks,  Longstreet's  and  Ewell's, 
should  be  made  simultaneously,  and  that  the  three  divisions  of 
Rodes,  Early  and  Johnson,  should  move  at  once  and  the  same 
hour,  Early  and  Johnson  to  the  direct  assault,  Rodes  from  his 
position  in  the  town,  close  up  under  our  guns,  to  seize  upon  the 
opportunity  which  any  change  in  the  Union  forces  on  the 
northern  slopes  and  ridge  of  Cemetery  Hill  might  give  to  effect 
lodgment  there.  Waiting  until  Johnson  had  gained  our  works, 
Early  did  not  move  his  division  until  nearly  or  quite  7.45. 
Delayed  by  the  twilight  obscuring  the  ground  in  their  front  ; 
by  the  difficult  passage  over  rolling  farm  lands  and  fields  shut 


88  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

in  by  stone  walls  which  broke  up  their  alignments  ;  by  loading 
and  firing  as  they  advanced  ;  delayed  perhaps  by  the  fire  of 
sixteen  guns  directly  in  their  front,  on  the  plateau  of  East 
Cemetery  Hill,  and  the  fire  of  the  six  light  twelves  on  Gulp's 
Hill  on  their  flank,  nearly  an  hour  was  consumed  in  passing 
over  the  seven  hundred  yards  between  their  starting  point  and 
the  fields  within  short  range  of  our  infantry  posted  behind  the 
walls  at  the  base  of  East  Cemetery  Hill. 

Early 's  movements,  up  to  within  a  very  short  time  of  his 
final  repulse,  were  guided  by  the  movements  and  position  of 
his  right  flank  ;  the  initial  command,  "  right  half  wheel  guide 
right,"  having  been,  as  accurately  as  could  be  in  the  rapidly  in 
creasing  darkness,  strictly  complied  with  ;  but,  when  Hoke's 
brigade,  having  the  left  of  the  line  and  constantly  increasing  in 
the  tendency  to  "refuse"  as  it  came  more  and  more  under  the 
persuasive  influence  of  the  5th  Maine's  guns,  had  reached  the 
low  bottom  of  the  valley  separating  Gulp's  from  East  Cemetery 
Hill,  Colonel  Avery,  (in  command  since  Hoke's  severe  wound 
at  Chancellorsville),  finding  his  men  too  far  to  the  left  of  the 
position  they  had  been  ordered  to  assault,  ordered  a  change  of 
front  and  wheeled  his  brigade  to  the  right,  a  movement  which 
none  but  the  steadiest  veterans  could  execute  under  such  cir 
cumstances.  It  was  in  this  movement  that  the  enemy  swept 
past  the  left  flank  of  my  guns  within  short  canister  range  ;  shut 
ting  out  the  right  half  battery  so  that  these  guns  could  not  be 
brought  to  bear  on  those  troops  which  were  hastening  to  gain 
a  new  position  and  to  re-form  on  ground  from  which  they  could, 
with  better  hope,  charge  the  crest  of  East  Cemetery  Hill.  The 
trails  of  the  left  half  battery  were  swung  sharp  and  hard  to  the 
right,  the  right  half  battery  was  hastily  "  limbered  to  the  rear," 
and  in  the  darkness,  hurried  to  a  new  position  on  the  left  of  the 
guns  remaining  in  the  works,  so  that  the  whole  battery  was 
once  more  effective,  and  this  time,  with  double  canister,  pouring 
a  most  destructive,  enfilading,  demoralizing,  fire  into  a  confused 
mass  of  the  enemy,  struggling  in  the  uncertain  shadows  at  the 


THE    LEFT    ATTACK  89 

base  of  the  hill ;  for  Avery's  change  of  front  brought  his  men  in 
a  body,  tangled  and  confused,  among  the  men  of  Hays'  com 
mand,  with  which,  up  to  the  time  of  this  to  them  most  unfortu 
nate  change  of  front,  they  had  maintained  some  semblance  of 
alignment.  General  Hays,  in  his  report  to  General  Early, 
writes,  "  The  enemy's  artillery,  now  within  canister  range, 
opened  upon  us,  but  owing  to  the  darkness  of  the  evening  ver 
ging  into  the  night,  and  the  deep  obscurity  afforded  by  the  smoke 
of  the  firing,  our  exact  locality  could  not  be  discovered  by  the 
enemy's  gunners,  and  we  thus  escaped,  what,  in  the  full  light  of 
day,  could  have  been  nothing  else  than  horrible  slaughter." 

Meanwhile  our  batteries  on  the  crest  of  East  Cemetery  Hill 
were  powerless.  Break's  (Reynolds')  four  guns  on  the  southern 
slope,  did  not  use  canister,  for  fear  of  our  men  at  that  time 
thought  to  be  behind  the  walls  in  his  front  ;  while  the  "  dead 
angle"  made  by  the  abrupt  slopes  of  Cemetery  Hill  had  been 
changed,  by  the  act  of  General  Hancock,  who  placed  the  5th 
Maine  light  twelves  on  the  side  of  the  salient  created  by  the 
north  face  of  Gulp's  Hill,  into  a  most  deadly  angle  ;  for  the 
brave  men,  charging  across  our  front,  were  forced  to  yield  to 
the  inexorable  fate  which  surely  awaited  whatever  body  of 
troops  the  enemy  chose  to  hazard  within  double  canister  range 
of  the  smoking  muzzles  of  a  well  drilled  12-pounder  battery. 
It  was  this  same  battery,  the  5th  Maine,  which  was  mentioned 
first  in  the  list  of  the  fourteen  batteries  selected  from  all  the 
batteries,  volunteer  and  regular,  of  the  Potomac  Army  for  pro 
ficiency  and  promise,  in  General  Orders  No.  18,  Headquarters 
Army  of  Potomac,  March  3,  1863. 

It  was  our  turn  that  night,  for  on  the  previous  day  we  had 
been  flanked  out  of  our  position  on  Seminary  Ridge  at  the 
Seminary  buildings,  where  we  had  faced  three  successive 
charges  of  Daniels'  and  Scales'  brigades,  each  time  driving  them 
back  with  canister,  but  only  after  we  had  each  time  lost  them 
in  the  smoke  of  our  guns. 

The    33d   Massachusetts  at  the  left   of   the  battery,  by  an 


90  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

oblique  fire,  and  on  the  right  of  the  guns,  the  survivors  of  the 
first  day's  fight  of  the  "  Iron  Brigade,"  by  an  enfilading  fire, 
rendered  loyal  service.  This  brigade  on  the  first  day,  lost  64^0 
per  cent,  one  regiment,  the  24th  Michigan,  84^  per  cent,  in 
killed,  wounded,  and  missing;  of  these  last,  but  few  ever  again 
answered  the  roll-call,  for  they  also  were  "dead  on  the  field  of 
honor.''  These  small  regiments  constituted  the  only  infantry 
force  effective  on  that  part  of  our  lines  that  night.  Von  Gilsa's 
brigade,  Eleventh  Corps,  behind  the  stone  walls  at  the  base  of 
East  Cemetery  Hill,  broke  and  left  its  front  open.  When  this 
was  discovered,  the  i/th  Connecticut  was  ordered  to  the  ground 
vacated  by  Von  Gilsa.  Through  the  opening  in  our  lines  caused 
by  this  change  of  position  of  the  i/th  Connecticut  the  few  Con 
federates  who  succeeded  in  reaching  the  crest  found  their  way, 
and  in  the  rush  for  the  crest,  and  the  guns  there,  the  enemy 
struck  the  right  of  the  75th  Ohio,  breaking  off  two  companies 
and  swept  them  along  in  their  headlong  charge.  The  remainder 
of  the  75th  Ohio  changed  front  to  rear  on  the  third  company, 
now  on  the  right  of  the  Regiment,  and  held  firm  place.  Weid- 
rich's  and  Ricketts'  batteries  were  overrun  and  the  guns  seized, 
the  left  piece  of  Ricketts'  was  spiked,  but  the  cannoneers 
fought  the  enemy  hand  to  hand  with  trail  handspikes,  rammers, 
and  what  few  pistols  they  had,  and  succeeded  in  checking  them 
for  a  moment,  when  Carroll's  brigade,  sent  unasked,  by  General 
Hancock's  happy  inspiration,  advancing  by  front  of  a  single  regi 
ment,  charged  across  the  small  space,  drove  the  enemy  from  our 
guns  and  down  the  slopes.  The  position  was  saved. 

It  was  believed  at  the  time,  and  for  several  years  afterwards, 
that  the  enemy  were  in  such  force,  and  had  gained  such  foothold 
on  the  crest  of  East  Cemetery  Hill,  that  except  for  the  re 
inforcement  of  Carroll  and  of  Carroll's  brigade,  the  position 
could  not  have  been  retaken  that  night,  if  at  all.  That  officer, 
distinguished  then  and  frequently  afterwards  for  acts  of  great 
gallantry,  should  be  given  full  credit  for  the  courage  of  his  con 
victions  at  the  time  he  led  his  small  brigade  by  regimental  front, 


THE    LEFT   ATTACK  91 

up  the  slopes,  in  the  dark,  seeking  close  contact  with  the  enemy's 
line  and  driving  straight  to  the  mark,  shown  only  by  the  spiteful 
spitting  of  rifles  a  few  paces  to  his  front,  for  the  plateau  was 
only  one  hundred  and  ten  paces  in  width  at  this  point.  But 
now,  from  the  reports  only  recently  accessible,  we  must  accept 
as  final  the  fact,  that  of  all  the  men  in  the  two  brigades 
leading  the  Confederate  assault  only  eighty-seven  found  the 
way  to  the  top  of  the  crest,  and  that  these  few  brave  men 
in  the  darkness,  "travelling  in  the  line  of  least  resistance," 
stumbled  upon  the  gap  in  our  infantry  lines  made  by  the 
moving  of  the  i/th  Connecticut  to  the  place  where  Von 
Gilsa's  brigade  had  just  demonstrated  their  lack  of  staying- 
qualities.  This  was  the  place  the  enemy  came  through  ;  it  was 
opposite  this  point,  and  a  few  paces  further  on,  that  they 
struck  the  left  of  Weidrich's  battery,  where  I  am  unable  to  find 
that  they  met  with  much  resistance,  or  indeed  until,  sweeping 
down  the  line  of  the  guns,  they  came  in  contact  with  the  left 
of  Ricketts'  battery  next  beyond.  Here  a  first-class  fight  was 
served  out  to  them,  Ricketts'  cannoneers  contesting  every  inch, 
and  defending  the  position  with  trail-handspikes,  spongers  and 
rammers,  rock,  and  whatever  else  they  could  find  on  the  ground, 
so  well  that  only  one  of  Ricketts'  guns,  the  left  one,  was  under 
the  absolute  control  of  the  enemy. 

It  was  now  sharp  nine.  Carroll  had  swept  the  plateau  clean 
of  Confederates,  and  the  enemy  retreating  down  the  slopes  was 
picking  his  way  in  the  darkness  as  rapidly  as  he  could,  over  the 
rough,  rocky  ground  and  stone  walls  separating  him  from  the 
safe  shelter  of  the  wooded  banks  of  Rock  Creek,  and  the  fields 
of  the  Gulp  farm  beyond.  All  firing  ceased,  but  rumor  has  it 
that  a  new  fight  was  on.  The  fiery  spirit  of  the  gallant  Carroll 
"flamed  to  its  height."  Bent  on  maintaining  the  safety  of  this 
key  to  our  position,  conquered,  as  he  believed,  from  a  victorious 
foe  by  the  high  valor  of  the  force  he  had  led,  he  was  ready  to 
fight  with  his  three  small  regiments  the  whole  of  Ames'  division, 
Eleventh  Corps,  for  possession  of  the  lines  it  had  failed  to  de- 


92  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

fend,  and  for  whose  failure  his  headstrong,  indomitable  courage 
knew  no  excuse.  His  anger  found  utterance  in  words  which 
these  pages  may  not  venture  to  chronicle  ;  his  warlike  rage  found 
no  vent  in  the  language  of  the  schools,  but  rather  in  that  of  the 
barracks,  and  with  the  memory  of  Chancellorsville  rankling  in 
his  breast,  he  emptied  the  vials  of  his  wrath  on  the  devoted 
heads  of  the  Eleventh  Corps  officers,  high  in  rank,  sparing  none 
of  those  gathered  about  him.  He  was  with  much  difficulty  per 
suaded  to  yield  the  point  he  had  made,  as  well  as  the  lines  he 
sincerely  believed  he  had  conquered  the  right  and  the  high  privi 
lege  to  defend  until  daylight.  Calling  off  his  men,  already  on 
the  hot  scent  of  a  new  fight,  with  curses  loud  and  deep  for  the 
part  played  that  evening  by  the  Second  Division,  Eleventh  Corps, 
he  at  length  returned  to  his  own  command,  and  to  the  chief  whose 
genius  never  shone  more  brightly  than  it  did  that  night  when 
he  sent  this  fighting  brigade  to  the  rescue  of  East  Cemetry  Hill. 
Dear  old  "  Sprig  Carroll,"  bravest  of  the  brave  !  the  roll  of  heroes 
of  the  Second  Corps  bears  no  more  gallant  name  than  thine  ! 

Paralleling  the  difficulty  in  determining  the  precise  strength 
of  Confederate  forces  at  any  one  time  or  place,  is  that  of  finding 
out  their  losses  in  killed,  wounded  and  captured.  The  discrep 
ancies  between  the  reports  of  subordinates,  and  that  of  the  medi 
cal  director,  are  so  great  as  to  compel  the  conclusion  that  there 
was  a  deliberate  intention  to  conceal,  and  to  conceal  forever,  the 
losses  actually  sustained. 

The  assaulting  column  from  Early's  division,  not  including 
Gordon's  brigade,  though  this  force  was  close  up  to  the  line  of 
Hays'  and  Avery's  (Hoke's  old  command),  was  not  far  from 
sixteen  hundred  strong  ;  braver  troops  than  those  of  Louisiana 
and  North  Carolina  never  went  into  position  in  line  of  battle, 
and  these  stood  elbow  to  elbow  in  their  desperate  undertaking. 
The  Medical  Director,  Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  concedes  in 
his  final  report  the  loss  of  six  hundred  and  fifty-eight  in  these 
two  brigades,  almost  all  killed  or  wounded,  but  few  missing. 
Hoke  of  Chambersburg,  whose  history  of  the  battle  is  most 


THE     LEFT   ATTACK  93 

interesting  and  painstaking,  writes  me  that  Hays'  and  A  very 's 
brigades  sustained  but  slight  loss  at  any  other  period  than  during 
their  charge  on  East  Cemetery  Hill.  Their  loss  at  this  time  was 
upwards  of  forty  per  cent.  General  Doubleday  did  us  the  honor 
of  writing,  that  the  enemy  was  repelled,  or  rather  crushed,  in  his 
attempt  to  make  permanent  lodgment  among  the  Eleventh  Corps 
on  Cemetery  Hill,  and  that  the  enfilading  fire  from  our  battery  was 
so  destructive  arid  well  directed,  that  only  a  remnant  of  A  very 's 
and  Hays'  brigades  returned  to  their  original  position  in  line. 

We  now  approach  the  third  section  of  this,  the  Left  Attack 
at  Gettysburg,  the  part  taken  by  Rodes'  division  of  the  Second 
(Confederate)  Corps,  with  the  support  from  Fender's  division  of 
the  Third  Corps  (Hill's). 

Rodes'  division,  the  largest  but  one  in  the  Army  of  Northern 
Virginia,  numbering  eight  thousand  five  hundred  effectives,  oc 
cupied  the  town  and  the  Chambersburg  pike  as  far  back  as  Sem 
inary  Ridge.  Orders  had  been  received  by  General  Rodes 
requiring  him  to  co-operate  with  the  forces  attacking  our  right 
as  soon  as  an  opportunity  should  offer  for  doing  so  with  good 
effect.  Some  stir  in  our  lines  opposite  Rodes'  front,  late  in  tho 
afternoon,  causing  a  diminution  of  artillery  and  infantry,  led  him 
to  seek  out  General  Early  with  a  view  to  acting  in  concert  with 
him.  These  officers  agreed  as  to  the  fitness  of  the  opportunity 
for  attacking,  and  each  made  preparations  accordingly.  It  must 
be  borne  in  mind  that  this  joint  assault  was  to  be  made  by 
Rodes  and  Early,  by  the  latter  on  the  east  face,  and  by  the 
former  on  the  northern  slopes  of  Cemetery  Hill,  from  such 
directions  as  to  expose  our  lines  to  a  flank  and  enfilading,  as 
well  as  to  a  direct  fire,  Early's  assault  flanking  the  northern 
slope  and  Rodes  the  eastern  face  of  the  hill.  It  is  a  curious 
fact,  easily  verified,  that  lines  let  fall  perpendicularly  from  the 
center  of  each  attacking  division  will  intersect  within  two  hun 
dred  feet  of  the  highest  point  of  Cemetery  Hill. 

But,  at  the  time  described  by  General  Rodes  in  his  report, 
there  took  place  an  exhibition  of  that  spirit  of  independence  so 


94  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

prevailing  and  so  prominent    among    the   brigadiers   of    Lee's 
army. 

Ramseur,  holding  the  right  of  Rocles'  division  with  the  un 
derstanding  that  the  other  brigades  were  to  conform  to  his 
movements,  obeyed  the  order  to  advance,  until  he  was  within 
two  hundred  yards  of  our  lines  on  the  northern  slope,  when  he 
discovered  (so  he  reports)  "  batteries  so  placed  as  to  pour  upon 
his  lines,  direct,  cross  and  enfilading  fires.  Two  lines  of  infantry 
behind  stone  walls  and  breastworks  were  also  discovered,  sup 
porting  the  batteries."  He  halted  his  brigade,  conferred  with 
the  nearest  brigadier,  General  Dole,  the  whole  line  governed 
itself  accordingly,  the  forward  movement  was  arrested,  and  with 
it  all  opportunity  of  acting  in  concert  with  General  Early.  It 
was  during  the  time  thus  wasted,  and  the  critical  moment  in 
which  the  large  masses  of  Fender  and  Rocles  were  halting  un 
certainly  almost  within  our  lines,  that  Carroll,  moving  by  his 
right  flank,  covered  the  rear  of  the  position  upset  by  Early  on 
East  Cemetery  Hill,  and  threw  his  brigade  on  the  troops  of  Hays 
and  Avery  (Hoke's  old  brigade).  "  The  action,"  writes  General 
Walker,  "  was  short,  sharp  and  decisive.  Hays  and  Avery  were 
thrown  out  by  Carroll's  impetuous  attack,  and  Gordon's  brigade 
advancing  to  their  support,  met  them  retreating  down  the  slope. 
Thus  the  Eleventh  Corps  position  was  restored  and  its  guns  re 
taken.  Early's  assault  on  the  eastern  face  of  Cemetery  Hill 
having  failed,  Rodes'  and  Fender's  attack  was  abandoned." 

It  is  extremely  difficult  at  this  late  day,  for  me  to  dis 
criminate  between  facts  well  known  at  the  time  or  shortly  after 
the  battle,  and  sustaining  important  relation  to  the  events  of  the 
second  and  third  days,  and  the  knowledge  since  then  acquired 
from  the  literature  of  the  theme,  but  I  am  assured  by  friends 
whose  opinion  I  am  bound  to  respect,  that  the  largest  and  best 
result  will  be  attained  when  the  narrative  of  personal  observation 
and  participation  is  rounded  out  by  a  synopsis  of  clearly  ascer 
tained,  and  definitely  determined,  historical  facts. 

The  literature  of  the  battle  divides  itself,  we  may  say,  into 


THE    LEFT    ATTACK-  95 

three  sections,  the  historical,  the  oratorical,  and  that  which  is 
synchronal  with  the  event  itself  ;  but  the  oratorical  bears  about 
the  same  relation  to  the  stubborn  facts,  that  Rothermcl's  picture 
painted  for  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  sustains  to  the  reality  of 
the  central  feature  of  the  fight,  for  the  painting  serves  chiefly  to 
bring  to  the  front  the  part  alleged  to  have  been  borne  by  the 
Corn  Exchange  Regiment  of  Philadelphia,  on  the  third  day. 

The  change  in  the  understanding  reached  at  Falmouth,  in 
the  Confederate  Council  of  War,  that  the  campaign  if  made  into 
Pennsylvania,  should  be  offensive  in  strategy,  and  defensive  in 
tactics,  was  supplemented  by  Lee's  disregard  of  Longstreet's 
advice  at  Gettysburg,  that  the  army  should  be  thrown  around 
our  left  flank,  and  interposed  between  our  posit  ion  and  Washing 
ton.  If  we  take  it  for  granted  that  no  disappointment,  not  even 
this  two-fold  failure  to  influence  his  General-in-chief,  could  have 
made  Lee's  greatest  Lieutenant  lukewarm  and  sluggish,  we  can 
not  overlook  the  fact,  the  subject  of  much  controversy  in  Con 
federate  high  circles  after  the  battle,  that  Longstreet  began  his 
attack  too  late  in  the  afternoon  of  the  second  day  ;  and,  disre 
garding  this  fact,  evident  at  the  time,  failed  to  engage  the  whole 
of  McLaw's  division,  in  time  to  support  that  of  Hood,  barely 
defending  with  success  the  great  advantage  gained  by  it,  at  the 
Peach  Orchard  and  Devil's  Den.  Rodes  and  Early  did  not 
move  simultaneously  against  the  northern  front  and  easterly  face 
of  Cemetery  Hill,  as  had  been  ordered.  Hill's  corps,  occupying 
the  Confederate  center,  afforded  no  material  aid  to  the  troops 
engaged  on  its  right  and  left.  A  portion  of  Edward  Johnson's 
division,  forcing  back  the  thin  line  and  small  detachments  of  part 
of  Greene's  force,  gallantly  but  ineffectually  resisting,  gained 
possession  of  works  on  the  right  of  our  line,  and  penetrated  be 
yond  to  within  two  hundred  yards  of  the  Baltimore  pike  within 
easy  musket  shot  of  our  reserve  ammunition  train  and  stopped 
there,  though  meeting  with  no  resistance  to  further  progress  ; 
while  their  division  commander,  in  undisputed  possession  of  a 
wide  path  straight  into  the  rear  of  our  center,  and  within  less 


96  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

than  a  mile  of  Army  Headquarters,  turned  to  one  side  and  ex 
pended  the  hours  of  the  early  part  of  the  night,  in  fruitless  assaults 
on  a  position  the  strength  of  which  had  been  demonstrated  as 
soon  as  his  brigades  had  faced  the  fire  of  its  defenders.  Smith's 
brigade,  detached  from  Early's  division  to  watch  a  body  of  our 
cavalry  on  the  York  road,  was  not  within  supporting  distance  of 
Hoke's  and  Hays'  brigades  at  the  time  of  their  grand  assault  on 
East  Cemetery  Hill  in  the  dusk  of  that  memorable  evening. 
The  Confederate  movements  at  Gettysburg  were  broken,  dis 
jointed,  and  unconnected.  In  fact,  Lee's  lieutenants  could  not, 
or  would  not,  obey  his  commands  to  move  simultaneously  against 
our  flanks,  while  Hill  was  directed  at  the  same  time  to  seize 
every  opportunity  to  crush  our  center  ;  for,  writes  the  Count  of 
Paris,  "  the  extreme  independence  of  the  Confederate  corps 
commanders,  which  division  and  brigade  generals  imitated  in 
their  turn,  rendered  the  best  conceived  plans  and  the  most 
daring  efforts  fruitless." 

"  At  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening,"  spoke  Mr.  Everett  at 
Gettysburg,  "  a  desperate  attempt  was  made  by  the  enemy  to 
storm  the  position  of  the  Eleventh  Corps  on  Cemetery  Hill  ; 
here,  too,  after  a  terrible  conflict,  he  was  repulsed  with  immense 
loss.  .  .  .  Such  was  the  result  of  the  second  act  of  this  event 
ful  drama.  A  hard  day  fought,  at  one  moment  anxious,  crowned 
with  dearly  earned  but  uniform  success  to  our  army,  auspicious 
of  a  glorious  termination  of  the  final  struggle.  On  these  good 
omens  the  night  fell." 

These  glowing  words  spoken  by  Mr.  Everett  in  his  Gettys 
burg  oration,  at  the  time  of  the  dedication  of  the  National  Ceme 
tery,  November  19,  1863,  are  highly  oratorical,  but  cannot  be 
regarded  as  historical,  for  when  the  night  fell  on  the  second  day's 
fight  the  omens  were  not  good,  they  were  bad.  The  First  Corps 
had  left  sixty  per  cent,  the  Eleventh  Corps,  thirty-three  per  cent, 
and  the  Third  Corps,  thirty-eight  per  cent,  dead  and  wounded 
on  the  field,  or  prisoners  in  the  enemy's  hands  ;  throngs  of 
stragglers  had  not  yet  fallen  into  line,  while  along  our  right  flank, 


THE    LEFT    ATTACK  97 

and  a  mile  in  rear  of  our  right  center,  rebel  yells  and  the  rattle 
of  musketry  awoke  the  slumbering  echoes  of  Gulp's  and  Wolf 
and  Powers'  Hills  ;  the  night  fell  on  a  loss  inflicted  by  the  enemy, 
of  more  than  twenty  thousand  men,  without  counting  the  men 
dispersed  by  the  contest  and  not  yet  able  to  rejoin  their  colors. 
The  conviction  was  strong  that  the  enemy  had  not  yet  spoken 
his  last  word  ;  while  General  Meade  was  made  to  fear  that 
another  day's  fighting,  equally  murderous,  might  cause  his  whole 
army  literally  to  melt  away. 

General  Walker  will  recognize  his  words  expressive  of  the 
opinion  at  that  hour  prevailing.  "The  fall  of  night  found  the 
Potomac  army  in  a  situation  that  demanded  the  most  grave  and 
serious  consideration.  We  had  repulsed  the  last  assaults,  but 
nearly  twelve  thousand  men  had  fallen  in  the  desperate  battle  of 
the  afternoon.  Our  whole  left  had  been  driven  back  to  the 
position  assigned  in  the  morning  ;  the  two  corps  chiefly  en 
gaged,  the  Third  and  the  Fifth,  had  been  shockingly  depleted, 
the  enemy  had  taken  advantage  of  the  absence  of  the  greater 
part  of  the  Twelfth  Corps,  to  push  around  our  right  and  seize  a 
part  of  our  line,  holding  there  an  open  gateway  through  which 
their  troops  could  'be  advanced  to  seize  the  Baltimore  pike.  It 
was  indeed  a  gloomy  hour  when  General  Meade  summoned  his 
corps  commanders  to  consider  upon  the  situation  and  to  form 
plans  for  the  morrow.  For  these  weighty  reasons,  as  night  fell, 
and  before  the  fight  on  our  right  which  gave  the  enemy  posses 
sion  of  the  works  at  that  point  had  been  fully  decided,  a  council 
of  war  was  called  to  decide  the  question  of  remaining  or  retreat 
ing,  and  if  it  should  be  decided  to  remain,  should  the  army 
await  or  should  it  deliver  attack." 

These  then  were  the  omens  on  which  that  night  fell,  and 
the  ranks  \vere  re-formed  among  the  dead  and  wounded,  too 
numerous  to  receive  attention  at  the  time.  Men  took  position 
in  silence,  for  the  exultation  of  victory  was  not  felt  to  cause 
them  to  forget  fatigue,  hunger,  suffering  comrades,  or  the  chance 
of  death  on  the  coming  day.  WTords  were  never  spoken  more 


98  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

clearly  expressing  the  anguish  of  brave  men's  hearts,  than  those 
of  the  gallant  Birney,  who,  while  watching  the  small  numbers 
of  determined  soldiers  gathering  about  him,  in  the  gloom  of  the 
night,  whispered  to  one  of  his  Lieutenants,  "  I  wish  I  were 
already  dead."  The  facts  are  hard,  cold  and  incontestable. 
The  twilight  shrouded  a  field  hard  fought,  dearly  won,  barely 
held,  drenched  with  blood ;  and  upon  tokens  presaging  evil  to 
the  Potomac  Army. 

The  moon,  then  at  her  full,  lighted  the  valleys  and  the  fields 
around  Gettysburg,  favoring  the  march  of  troops  of  both  armies 
hurrying  towards  our  right.  "  About  half-past  one,  Daniels'  and 
Rodes'  old  brigades  began  their  march  of  about  four  miles,"  so 
writes  General  Daniels,  "  to  reinforce  Johnson.  Smith's  bri 
gade,  detached  on  the  previous  afternoon  to  watch  our  cavalry 
menacing  the  enemy's  left,  was  also  put  in  motion  for  the  same 
point  on  Johnson's  line,  while  the  *  Old  Stonewall  Brigade,'  drawn 
in  from  a  position  where  it  had  been  placed  to  guard  Johnson's 
left  flank,  rejoined  the  command."  In  all,  Johnson  had  in  his 
command  when  dawn  broke,  ten  thousand  five  hundred  effec 
tives,  close  to  our  lines,  or  in  full  possession  of  the  major  part 
of  our  works  vacated  in  the  afternoon  of  the  second  day.  On 
our  part,  the  troops  returning  during  the  night  had  re-occupied 
the  small  portion  of  our  intrenchments  not  held  by  the  enemy. 
In  the  woods,  on  the  hill  south  of  the  swale,  near  the  extreme 
right  of  our  line,  Colgrove's  brigade  rested  on  Rock  Creek,  with 
skirmishers  in  the  woods  beyond.  McDougall's  brigade  on  his 
left  extended  as  far  as  the  Baltimore  pike,  facing  nearly 
north.  On  the  other  side  of  the  swale,  and  beginning  at  the 
Baltimore  pike  near  Henry  Spangler's  house,  Lockwood's  Inde 
pendent  Brigade  was  on  the  right  of  a  line  which  made  up  of 
that  brigade  and  Candy's  and  Kane's,  prolonged  the  line  to  that 
of  the  regiment  forced  behind  the  traverse  on  Greene's  right, 
when  it  was  assaulted  by  Jones'  and  Stewart's  brigades  of  John 
son's  command  in  the  early  part  of  the  previous  night  ;  these 
regiments  faced  east  of  south.  On  the  narrow  western  slope  of 


THE    LEFT   ATTACK  99 

Gulp's  Hill,  and  in  the  fields  near  the  Baltimore  pike,  Shaler's 
brigade  of  the  Sixth,  stood  in  columns  of  regiments  near 
Greene's  right.  In  the  woods  and  on  the  hillsides  northeast  of 
the  meadow  and  swampy  ground,  and  extending  along  the  whole 
eastern  face  of  Gulp's  Hill,  was  Johnson's  command,  in  close 
column,  waiting  for  light  to  enable  them  to  renew  the  struggle 
for  the  possession  of  the  Baltimore  pike.  On  our  side,  the 
night  had  been  spent  in  well-directed,  though  hurried  efforts,  to 
so  strengthen  our  position  that  it  could  resist  successfully  the 
assault  which  was  certain  to  come  as  soon  as  dawn  should  reveal 
to  the  enemy  how  near  they  were  to  their  goal,  the  main  avenue 
of  retreat  for  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 
On  the  western  side  of  the  Baltimore  pike,  beginning  with  three 
batteries  (Winegar,  Knapp  and  Rigby)  on  Powers'  Hill,  with 
K  of  the  5th  Artillery  one  hundred  and  twenty  rods  to  the 
north,  and,  a  little  further  on,  Miihlenberg's  F  of  the  4th  Ar 
tillery,  five  batteries  in  all,  were  in  position  parallel  to  the  pike 
and  directly  opposite  the  center  of  the  Twelfth  Corps  line. 
Their  guns  controlled  the  approaches  of  the  enemy  through  the 
ravine  formed  by  the  curving  channel  of  Rock  Creek,  and  by 
means  of  the  swale  leading  from  the  bed  of  the  stream  out  on 
to  the  open  ground  close  to  the  pike. 

General  Lee,  deceived  by  the  result  of  Longstreet's  assault 
at  the  Peach  Orchard  and  at  the  Devil's  Den,  and  particularly 
by  the  success  attained  by  the  brigades  of  Anderson  near  Zeig- 
ler's  grove,  and  encouraged  by  the  strong  foothold  secured 
within  our  lines  by  Johnson's  division,  decided  to  resume  in  the 
early  morning  of  the  third  clay  the  movements  of  the  previous 
afternoon  and  evening,  adhering  to  the  tactics  of  a  double  attack 
with  his  two  wings.  Ewell  was  notified  that  the  battle  would 
be  renewed  by  Longstreet  at  daybreak,  and  he  was  ordered  to 
attack  at  the  same  time  the  positions  adjacent  to  the  large  part 
of  our  intrenchments  which  his  troops  already  held. 

Because  the  reinforcements  of  the  night  gave  Johnson  an 
assaulting  column  which  might,  by  its  sheer  weight,  crush  oppos- 


100  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

ing  lines,  no  thought  appears  to  have  been  given  by  the  general 
to  the  necessity  of  artillery  support,  other  than  to  trust  to  the 
fortunes  of  war,  and  to  the  high  hope  which  gave  shape  to  his 
plans,  that  sufficient  gain  to  the  Confederate  front  could  be 
made  to  enable  them  to  place  their  guns  on  the  hill  southwest 
and  across  the  Baltimore  pike.  But  the  ground  in  Johnson's 
front  and  on  his  left,  over  which  the  artillery  must  pass  in  order 
to  keep  within  call,  if  his  movements  should  be  successful, 
afforded  no  passage  for  guns.  It  was  the  same  swampy,  wooded, 
boulder  covered  and  boulder  broken  country  extending  to  the 
base  of  Wolf  and  McAllister's  hills  which  had  been  carefully 
examined  by  General  Slocum  and  General  Warren  on  the 
morning  of  the  second.  They  reported  it  as  impassable  for  artil 
lery,  and  unfit  for  the  movement  ordered  by  General  Meade, 
that  the  Twelfth,  Fifth  and  Sixth  Corps  should  move  past 
our  right  and  attack  the  Confederate  left.  If  Johnson  knew 
these  facts  they  may  not  have  seemed  to  him  to  present  material 
objection  to  this  plan  of  battle,  for  he  was  leading  Stonewall 
Jackson's  old  corps,  men  who  had  been  taught  by  that  illustri 
ous  chief  that  a  flank  position  in  their  hands  outflanked  the 
enemy  and  gave  victory. 

General  Lee  had  ordered  the  movements  for  the  morning  of 
the  third  day  to  be  an  attack  at  daylight  delivered  simultane 
ously  by  both  wings  of  his  army,  and  if  either  of  our  flanks 
should  be  driven  in,  an  assault  by  the  whole  of  Hill's  corps 
from  the  rebel  center,  with  Zeigler's  grove  as  its  objective 
point . 

At  4.30  A.M.,  the  artillery  of  the  Twelth  Corps  opened  at  a 
range  of  six  hundred  to  eight  hundred  yards.  To  those  of  us 
whom  the  last  hours  of  the  night  held  in  their  soft  embrace, 
the  awakening  was  violent  and  startling,  for  twenty  guns  con 
verged  and  crossed  their  fire  on  the  intrenchments  seized  by  the 
enemy,  while  the  guns  on  Powers'  Hill  enfiladed  the  eastern  face 
of  Gulp's  Hill.  Johnson's  left  was  menaced  by  that  portion  of 
the  First  Division,  Twelfth  Corps,  which  was  in  the  woods  and 


THE    LEFT    ATTACK  IOI 

rough  ground  south  of  the  swale.  Geary's  division  threatened 
the  enemy's  right,  but  their  front  was  open,  and  just  beyond, 
almost  in  their  grasp,  it  might  appear,  was  the  pike,  covered 
with  wagons  and  moving  troops,  apparently  pushing  to  the  rear 
as  if  already  in  retreat.  It  had  been  planned  that  our  infantry 
should  be  moved  forward  as  soon  as  our  guns  opened ;  but  the 
ground  our  men  would  have  to  pass  over  was  so  exposed  to  the 
projectiles  from  our  batteries,  even  then  firing  over  our  own 
troops,  that  there  was  some  delay,  which  gave  Johnson  oppor 
tunity  for  the  initiative.  As  soon  as  it  was  light  enough  to 
maintain  alignments,  he  hurled  his  battalions,  in  lines  scarcely 
separated,  straight  at  the  works  which  on  Greene's  front  had 
resisted  his  efforts  the  night  before.  Stimulated  by  the  knowl 
edge  of  the  nearness  of  the  Baltimore  pike,  the  Confederates 
charged  with  extreme  vigor. 

"The  shock,"  writes  the  Count  of  Paris,  "was  terrific. 
Facing  musketry  and  cannon  shot  and  shell  without  a  single 
gun  with  which  to  reply,  the  Confederates  repeatedly  charged 
an  impenetrable  front,  under  a  sun,  which  rising  higher  and 
higher,  at  last  became  absolutely  scorching." 

No  considerable  development  of  line  by  the  enemy  that 
would  be  of  advantage  to  him,  could  be  made  in  front  of  the 
divisions  of  Ruger  or  Geary  without  exposure  of  a  large  part 
of  his  lines  to  an  enfilading  fire  of  musketry,  and  to  a  cross  fire 
from  the  artillery  on  the  high  ground  south  of  the  road  and 
from  Powers'  Hill ;  these  last  mentioned  batteries  fired  over 
the  line  of  the  First  Division,  Twelfth  Corps,  causing  a  small 
but  unavoidable  loss. 

The  morning  advanced  slowly.  The  enemy,  by  repeated 
assaults  struggled  fiercely  to  make  headway,  but  suffered 
severely  without  progressing  perceptibly,  when  General  Ruger 
received  orders  to  try  the  forces  in  the  woods  behind  the  works 
on  the  north  of  the  swale  or  meadow,  and  if  practicable,  to 
drive  them  out.  Orders  were  sent  Colonel  Colgrove  to  advance 
skirmishers  against  the  enemy  at  that  point,  and  if  not  found  too 


102  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

strong,  to  advance  two  regiments  and  drive  them  out.  "From 
a  mistake  of  the  staff  officer,  or  misunderstanding  on  the  part 
of  Colonel  Colgrove,"  writes  General  Ruger,  "it  was  attempted 
to  carry  the  position  without  first  ascertaining  the  strength  of 
the  enemy." 

It  was  seven  o'clock.  The  battle  which,  begun  before  it  was 
fully  light  in  the  woods  and  behind  the  breastworks  and  large 
ledges  of  rocks  on  the  southern  slopes  and  eastern  face  of  Gulp's 
Mill  to  the  left  of  the  position  occupied  by  Ruger's  division, 
had  been  extremely  severe,  was  now  thought  to  be  receding,  and 
loud  cheering  was  heard  along  the  lines.  "It  was  evident," 
writes  Colonel  Colgrove,  "  that  General  Geary  had  dislodged  the 
enemy  and  had  retaken  the  breastworks  of  Candy  and  Kane, 
vacated  the  night  before."  At  the  same  time  on  Colgrove's 
front  the  enemy  was  discovered  by  him  to  have  advanced  in  line 
to  the  woods,  and  forming  nearly  at  right  angles  with  his  front. 
At  this  juncture  Lieutenant  Snow  of  General  Ruger's  staff 
delivered  the  order  to  Colonel  Colgrove,  "  The  General  directs 
that  you  advance  your  line  immediately."  "The  position  of  the 
ist  brigade,"  writes  Colgrove,  "was  such  that  it  was  impossi 
ble  to  advance  more  than  two  regiments  in  line."  For  between 
the  enemy  and  Colgrove's  command  was  an  open  meadow,  now 
known  as  "the  swale,"  about  one  hundred  yards  in  width  at  this 
point.  Breastworks  and  ledges  of  rocks  entirely  sheltered  the 
enemy.  It  was  impossible  to  send  forward  skirmishers,  as  the 
enemy's  advantages  were  such  that  a  line  of  skirmishers  would 
be  cut  down  before  they  would  fairly  gain  the  open  ground  that 
intervened.  "The  only  possible  chance  I  had  to  advance," 
writes  General  Colgrove,  "was  to  carry  the  enemy's  position  by 
storming  it."  "I  selected  the  2d  Massachusetts  and  the  2/th 
Indiana,  and  ordered  the  2cl  Massachusetts  to  charge  the  works 
in  front  of  their  position,  and  the  2/th  Indiana  as  soon  as  they 
should  gain  the  open  ground,  to  carry  the  position  held  in  the 
ledges  of  rocks."  "At  the  command.  '  Forward,  double-quick,' 
our  breastworks  were  cleared,  and  both  regiments,  with  deafen- 


THE    LEFT   ATTACK  103 

ing  cheers  sprang  forward.  They  had  scarcely  gained  the  open 
ground  when  they  were  met  with  one  of  the  most  destructive 
fires  I  have  ever  witnessed.  Up  to  this  time  the  enemy  re 
mained  entirely  concealed.  It  had  been  impossible  to  tell  any 
thing  about  his  strength  in  our  immediate  front,  but  it  was  now 
clearly  ascertained  that  he  had  massed  a  heavy  force  at  that 
point.  It  would  seem  that  the  two  regiments  were  doomed  to 
destruction." 

In  these  words  which  I  have  quoted,  General  Colgrove  bears 
witness  to  the  discipline  and  to  the  invincible  courage  of  our 
own  Second  Regiment  Massachusetts  Infantry,  and  we  are  now 
for  the  first  time  able  to  trace  to  its  source,  the  error,  and  the 
order  which  sent  this  gallant  regiment  across  the  narrow  swale 
to  its  fate.  Not  pausing  to  reason  why,  they  rushed  into  the 
very  teeth  of  an  overwhelming  force,  concealed  by  dense  woods, 
protected  by  breastworks,  or  shielded  by  great  ledges.  No  less 
than  three  brigades  of  the  enemy  are  reported  to  have  been  on 
the  ground  which  these  two  small  regiments  were  ordered  to 
carry,  and  one  was  the  "  Old  Stonewall  Brigade."  The  2d 
Massachusetts  gained  the  woods  ;  the  2/th  Indiana  broke  when 
half  way  across  the  meadow. 

Permit  me  to  refer  to  a  paper  written  by  companion  Colonel 
Charles  F.  Morse  of  the  Second  Massachusetts  and  read  at  a  re 
union  of  the  survivors  of  the  regimental  officers,  May  10,  1878. 

"  A  verbal  order  was  given  Colonel  Mudge,  directing  him  to 
charge  across  the  meadow  and  attempt  to  drive  the  enemy  out 
of  their  works  in  the  woods.  Chaplain  Quint  in  his  book  says, 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Mudge  questioned  the  messenger,  'Are  you 
sure  that  is  the  order?'  'Yes.'  'Well  it  is  murder,  but  it  is 
the  order.'  '  Up,  men,  over  the  works  ;  forward,  double- 
quick.' 

These  words  deserve  a  longer  life  than  those  so  widely 
known,  "  Up  guards,  and  at  them."  For,  up  and  out  from  be 
hind  well  built  life-saving  intrenchments  the  men  of  the  2d 
Massachusetts  clashed  across  the  swale  where  'even  a  skirmish 


104  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

line  could  not  live,'  into  death-dealing  woods.  Driven  out, 
fighting  their  way  back  through  a  line  of  the  enemy  thrown  be 
hind  them  to  compel  their  surrender,  forming  anew  under  the 
protection  of  a  low  detached  piece  of  stonewall  about  half  way 
across  the  meadow,  they  cleared  the  ground  of  the  enemy  in 
their  new  front,  then  fell  back  to  their  new  position.  Upon 
calling  the  roll,  not  one  man  was  reported  as  missing.  The 
Second  Massachusetts,  writes  Colonel  Morse,  went  into  action 
with  twenty-two  officers  and  two  hundred  and  ninety-four  en 
listed  men,  and  when  the  roll-call  was  ended,  but  one  hundred 
and  ninety  had  answered  to  their  names,  and  the  little  knot  of 
officers  numbered  but  twelve.  Five  times  the  colors  changed 
hands,  and  the  next  day  when  the  regiment  took  its  place  in 
column  to  march  away,  as  it  passed  General  Slocum's  head 
quarters,  he  and  a  large  group  of  general  and  staff  officers 
uncovered  their  heads." 

From  early  dawn  until  ten  o'clock,  charge  followed  charge  in 
swift  succession  —  assault  and  counter  assault  served  only  to 
multiply  the  winrows  of  the  dead  and  wounded  in  the  Confede 
rate  ranks  ;  the  cross-fire  of  artillery  and  musketry  barely  held 
in  check  the  savage  onslaught  of  Johnson's  men. 

Never  before  in  the  history  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and 
never  again  until  this  same  Edward  Johnson's  division  had  been 
gathered  in,  artillery,  battle  flags,  and  all,  —  prisoners  of  war  at 
Spottsylvania,  — did  men  so  nearly  thrust  the  smoking  muzzles 
of  their  rifles  into  each  other's  faces;  nowhere  before  and  not 
again,  until  the  Brock  road  had  been  reached,  and  the  tangled 
thickets  of  the  Wilderness  concealed  lines  of  battle  almost  in 
contact,  was  volleying  so  heavy  and  so  continuous  from  so  small 
a  front  as  Greene's  on  the  crest  of  Culp's  Hill  during  the  hard 
fighting,  urged  with  varying  fortune  to  gain  and  to  maintain 
possession  of  the  Baltimore  pike. 

Directly  in  my  rear,  their  left  resting  close  to  the  foot  of 
the  knoll  I  occupied,  I  counted  twelve  lines  of  infantry  crouch 
ing  in  the  grass  and  behind  the  rocks  and  stone  walls  in  the 


THE    LEFT    ATTACK  105 

narrow  fields  separating  Greene's  right  from  the  pike ;  so  great 
the  danger  of  the  enemy's  breaking  through  at  this  point. 

Nothing  that  I  have  ever  read  describes  the  situation  so  well 
as  the  poet  Stedman's  versification  of  the  words  of  the  gallant 
Kearney  at  the  Seven  Pines,  — 

"  Up  came  the  reserves  to  the  melee  infernal, 
Shouting,  '  Where  to  go  in,  through  opening  or  pine,' 
'  Anywheres,  forward,  'tis  all  the  same,  Colonel, 
You'll  find  lovely  fighting  along  the  whole  line.'  " 

Just  at  this  time  the  enemy  showed  signs  of  yielding  —  then 
came  the  rush,  the  grand  rush  to  recapture  our  breast-works  ; 
then  cheers ;  for  the  intrenchments  were  once  more  in  our  pos 
session,  the  enemy  had  been  driven  out  and  down  the  slopes. 
The  right  flank  was  safe. 

General  Geary,  commanding  the  Second  Division,  Twelfth 
Corps,  reports  nine  hundred  buried  in  his  front,  and  estimates 
the  loss  of  the  enemy  at  twelve  hundred  killed,  and  the  wounded 
at  the  ratio  of  four  to  one  killed. 

"  The  day  was  a  most  disastrous  one  to  Ewell's  Corps,"  writes 
General  Geary,  "  and  equally  if  not  more  so  to  the  whole  rebel 
army,  in  consideration  of  the  importance  which  the  turning  of  our 
flank  would  be  to  them,  and  which  alone  could  compensate  them 
for  the  repulse  they  had  already  on  the  previous  evening  re 
ceived  from  these  parts  of  our  line  in  their  well-conceived 
designs  upon  the  key-points  to  the  position  of  our  army;  they 
were  not  only  defeated,  but  terribly  punished." 

No  place  on  the  field  of  Gettysburg  presented  such  terrible 
effect  of  battle  as  the  portion  of  Gulp's  Hill  in  front  of  Greene's 
line,  and  along  the  works  vacated  on  the  evening  of  the  second, 
by  McDougall's  brigade  of  the  First  Division.  From  under  our 
works,  down  the  hill  to  the  creek,  the  open  places  were  cov 
ered  with  Confederate  dead,  every  exposed  place  holding  groups, 
and  behind  the  rocks  many  wounded  had  been  dragged  only  to 
die  a  lingering  death. 

About  1 1  A.M.  a  considerable  number  of  the  enemv  in  front 


106  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

of  Greene's  intrenchments  and  close  up  to  our  lines,  displayed  a 
white  flag.  Major  Leigh,  Johnson's  chief  of  staff,  galloped  into 
the  throng,  and  endeavored  to  prevent  the  surrender,  but  fell 
shot  to  pieces  almost,  by  a  volley  from  our  works.  I  remember 
well  on  the  morning  of  the  4th,  crossing  from  my  position  the 
short  distance  to  the  front  of  Greene's  line,  and  there  seeing 
Major  Leigh  pinned  to  the  ground  by  his  horse,  shot  at  the 
same  time  with  his  rider  and  falling  on  him. 

Of  all  those  lying  there,  whose  leader  he  seemed  to  be,  who 
would  watch  no  more  for  the  coming  of  Longstreet's  mighty 
hosts  ;  who  would  listen  no  longer  for  Hill's  bugles  sounding 
the  charge,  or  the  volleying  rifles  of  Stonewall  Jackson's  old 
corps  hurrying  to  their  support  ;  of  all  the  uncounted  dead 
covering  the  ground;  of  the  dying,  tenderly  cared  for  by 
hands  which  but  the  day  before  had  given  mortal  wounds  ; 
of  all  the  signs  of  battle,  in  trees  stripped  by  bullets  and  torn 
by  shot  and  shell  ;  of  all  these,  no  memory  is  so  vivid  as  that 
of  this  dead  soldier,  still  astride  his  horse,  borne,  as  it  were, 
on  the  crest  of  the  highest  wave  of  the  Rebellion  up  into  the 
flame  of  our  guns,  almost  seizing  our  flags  swaying  in  the 
smoke  of  that  fierce,  uncertain  struggle. 


MY  CAPTURE,  PRISON   LIFE  AND   ESCAPE 


MY   CAPTURE.   PRISON    LIFE  AND   ESCAPE 

BY 

BREVET-MAJOR    ANDREW    M.    BENSON,  U.  S.  V. 

IN  June,  1864,  there  came  together  about  fourteen  thousand 
of  cavalry  and  six  light  batteries  for  the  purpose  of  making  a 
raid  around  Richmond,  the  object  being  to  destroy  all  the  rail 
roads  leading  into  Richmond  and  Petersburg  from  the  south, 
including  the  Petersburg  &  Weldon,  the  South  Side,  and  the 
Richmond  &  Danville.  This  force  was  placed  in  command  of 
General  Wilson. 

On  the  night  of  the  25th,  we  passed  around  the  flanks  of 
both  armies  and  struck  the  Petersburg  &  Weldon  at  a  place 
called  Reams  Station.  There  we  took  and  destroyed  half  a 
dozen  passenger  freight  trains  and  captured  a  few  Confederate 
soldiers.  This  I  think  was  the  only  victory  gained  at  any  time 
during  the  raid. 

Immediately  after  our  men  had  secured  what  few  soldiers 
there  were,  they  destroyed  the  road  for  a  long  distance  on  both 
sides  of  the  station.  As  soon  as  that  was  accomplished  they 
turned  their  attention  to  the  South  Side,  a  road  that  reaches 
from  Reams  Station  to  the  Richmond  &  Danville,  a  distance  of 
forty-six  miles,  and  joining  that  road  at  a  place  called  Black  and 
White.  The  road  we  entirely  destroyed  from  that  point  on  the 
Petersburg  &  Weldon  to  the  Richmond  &  Danville. 

After  reaching  the  Richmond  &  Danville  Road  the  larger 
portion  of  that  road  was  torn  up,  destroying  all  the  public  prop 
erty  as  far  as  the  Roanoke  —  and  I  dare  say  some  private 
property  may  have  suffered  a  little. 

My  squadron  was  selected  for  the  purpose  of  wrecking  the 
bridge  over  the  Roanoke.  Numbers  one,  two  and  three  dis- 

109 


I  10  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

mounted,  while  Numbers  four  took  the  horses  into  a  secure  place. 
There  was  a  distance  to  traverse  of  about  a  mile  and  a  half.  As 
soon  as  we  had  ridden  well  out  on  to  the  plain  we  came  within 
range  of  the  enemy,  who  opened  on  us  with  shells.  We  kept 
on  until  within  close  range  when  they  fired  shrapnel,  case  shot 
and  canister.  I  was  so  near  that  I  could  see  the  gunner.  When 
he  had  fixed  the  lanyard  and  was  about  to  discharge  the  piece, 
I  gave  the  order  for  my  men  to  lie  down.  At  that  time  I  hap 
pened  to  be  in  front  of  my  little  command.  I  turned  around  to 
the  left  to  see  that  the  left  was  down,  and  then  to  the  right  to 
see  that  the  right  was  clown,  when  I  unfortunately  went  down 
myself  with  a  canister  shot  in  my  side.  That  was  the  end  of 
my  career  for  a  time. 

We  went  no  further  in  that  direction,  having  quite  a  num 
ber  wounded  and  some  killed.  Those  that  were  killed  were 
buried,  and  for  the  wounded  we  secured  all  the  means  of  trans 
portation  we  could,  top-buggies,  wagons,  hacks,  and  every  other 
conceivable  thing  on  wheels  that  we  could  get,  and  in  that  way 
started  back  again  to  our  army. 

Our  return  march  was  by  nearly  the  same  course  that  we  had 
been  following  in  the  advance.  We  had  almost  reached  the 
Petersburg  &  Weldon  railroad  when  we  found  in  front  of  us 
Wade  Hampton's  and  Fitzhugh  Lee's  brigades  of  cavalry,  and 
Mahone's  division  of  infantry.  Our  artillery  was  parked  on  the 
right  side  of  the  road  while  the  ambulances  were  on  the  left. 

I  was  aware  of  a  little  skirmishing  in  front,  but  knew  noth 
ing  about  the  nature  of  it  until  I  saw  our  men  fire  the  caissons 
and  cut  the  wheels  of  the  guns,  all  of  which  were  destroyed. 
And  I  believe  that  in  that  raid,  of  all  the  artillery  and  wagons 
with  which  we  had  started,  not  a  single  wheel  was  ever  brought 
back  into  our  lines. 

When  the  caissons  were  fired  and  the  shells  began  to  ex 
plode,  I  found  that  my  position  was  not  any  too  comfortable,  and 
so  I  left  the  hack  I  was  riding  in  at  what  I  considered  a  judi 
cious  time,  and  went  into  the  woods.  I  had  been  among  the 


MY   CAPTURE,    PRISON    LIFE    AND    ESCAPE  III 

trees  but  a  few  seconds  when  two  or  three  straggling  Confeder 
ates  who  happened  to  be  in  there  saw  me,  and  of  course  I  sur 
rendered  to  them. 

I  was  taken  out  into  the  road,  and  after  going  a  little  dis 
tance  came  upon  the  right  of  General  Mahone's  division,  where 
I  was  turned  over  to  the  provost  guard.  I  was  told,  in  the  first 
place  to  sit  down  on  the  fence  so  that  they  might  take  off  my 
boots.  I  had  on  a  pair  of  Burnside  cavalry  boots,  almost  new, 
which  attracted  the  attention  of  the  Confederates,  and  they  were 
very  desirous  to  obtain  them.  So  they  took  my  boots  off  —  I 
was  not  in  condition  to  take  them  off  very  well  myself  —  and 
half  a  dozen  of  them  tried  them  on.  At  last  they  passed  them 
back  to  me  with  a  look  of  disgust  and  this  remark  :  "  Oh  God  ! 
what  feet  !  "  So  I  put  on  my  boots  and  wore  them  out  myself. 

After  a  time  General  Wilson  with  his  entire  command  of 
cavalry  retreated.  They  were  followed  by  Wade  Hampton  and 
Fitzhugh  Lee,  and  about  five  hundred  prisoners  were  captured. 
In  a  short  time  these  prisoners  were  brought  to  the  rear,  placed 
under  guard,  and  marched  to  Petersburg.  We  were  there  put 
into  a  tobacco  warehouse  and  kept  three  days,  with  nothing  to 
eat  but  cold  water  and  Indian  meal. 

On  the  4th  of  July  we  were  removed  to  Richmond,  and  as 
we  were  marching  through  the  town  we  were  asked  "  If  this  was 
the  advance  guard  of  General  Grant's  army  ?  "  We  told  them 
we  thought  it  was,  but  we  did  not  think  then  that  the  main  body 
would  be  ten  months  behind. 

We  were  taken  to  Libby  Prison,  and  there  shown  our  quar 
ters.  Mine  was  beside  a  post,  on  the  floor,  without  blankets. 
Our  rations  were  issued  to  us.  They  consisted  of  about  twenty- 
two  ounces  of  bread  and  thirty  ounces  of  meat  for  one  week. 
We  had  something  else  that  they  gave  us  one  week  ;  I  do  not 
know  what  the  name  of  it  was. 

We  remained  there  until  the  5th  or  6th  of  August,  when  we 
were  taken  away.  We  knew  that  we  were  going  somewhere, 
but  of  course  did  not  know  where.  It  proved,  however,  that  we 


112  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

were  bound  for  Macon,  Ga.  We  were  put  into  box  cars,  sixty- 
five  in  a  car.  There  were  no  modern  conveniences.  No  man 
was  allowed  to  go  out.  We  were  confined  in  the  car  for  two 
and  one-half  days,  until  we  reached  Macon. 

The  majority  arrived  there  all  right.  Some  few  jumped  off 
the  car  and  escaped,  I  hope  ;  but  the  greater  proportion  reached 
Macon  and  were  put  into  the  stockade.  The  prisoners  there 
aggregated,  after  our  arrival,  sixteen  hundred,  all  officers.  After 
we  had  been  there  some  time  we  had  very  nice  quarters  in 
barracks.  We  also  had  blankets.  Our  food  was  as  good  as  I 
expected  it  would  be,  and  a  great  improvement  over  that  at 
Petersburg  and  Richmond,  but  we  clicl  not  feel  inclined  to  accept 
and  be  contented  with  our  position.  WTe  thought  we  wouldn't 
stay  there  any  longer  than  we  could  help,  and  a  few  of  us  got 
together  and  arranged  to  dig  a  tunnel.  I  was  not  in  condition 
to  dig  very  much.  Still  I  was  in  the  secret  and  assisted  as  well 
as  I  could.  Those  who  were  more  interested  than  I  and  had 
more  to  do  with  it,  labored  night  after  night  diligently,  and  one 
morning  as  we  fell  in  for  roll-call,  after  all  the  prisoners  were  in 
place,  the  guard  marched  in  to  the  rear  of  us  and  took  their 
places,  and  some  of  them  went  to  this  very  place  where  the 
tunnel  had  commenced,  took  away  the  covering,  and  the  whole 
thing  was  broken  in.  There  was  one  of  our  number,  it  was  said 
-  I  hope  it  was  not  true  but  am  inclined  to  think  that  it  was  — 
who  had  told  the  authorities  that  such  a  thing  was  being  done, 
and  an  officer  of  our  own  army  was  taken  out  of  the  quarters 
that  day  and  never  came  back  again. 

We  remained  there  some  time  and  then  five  or  six  hundred 
were  removed  to  Charleston  ;  the  rest  were  taken  to  Savannah. 
I  happened  to  be  among  those  who  went  to  Savannah.  We 
were  put  into  what  was  known  as  "The  Marine  Hospital,"  a 
delightful  place.  \Ve  had  tents,  rations  were  issued  to  us  regu 
larly,  and  we  enjoyed  ourselves  as  well  as  we  could  in  a  prison. 

After  we  had  been  there  a  short  time  we  conceived  the  idea 
of  digging  another  tunnel.  Twenty-five  of  us  formed  a  plan  by 


MY   CAPTURE,    PRISON    LIFE   AND    ESCAPE          113 

which  we  might  liberate  the  whole  party  if  we  could  carry  it 
through.  The  hospital  vault  was  on  one  side  of  the  yard  and 
we  thought  that  if  we  could  get  into  that  vault  we  should  be 
able  to  conceal  there  the  earth  that  we  took  from  the  tunnel. 

Now,  in  regard  to  our  manner  of  tunnelling.  There  are 
some  in  this  Commandery  who  have  tunnelled.  To  those  who 
have  not  done  any  such  work  I  will  say  that  we  made  an  endless 
rope  of  blankets  and  at  intervals  of  every  ten  feet  there  would 
be  a  little  bag  holding  ten  or  twelve  quarts.  The  man  whose 
duty  it  was  to  take  the  earth  from  the  pit  would  take  that  rope 
on  his  arm  and  crawl  into  the  tunnel  and  take  the  first  bag  he 
came  to  and  fill  it,  and  two  pulls  meant  to  start  it  out  and  one 
to  stop.  When  one  bag  was  filled  he  had  that  passed  along 
until  the  next  empty  bag  came  up,  then  filled  that  and  so  on. 
As  soon  as  the  first  bag  reached  the  mouth  of  the  tunnel  there 
was  another  party  who  took  that  in  a  bucket  and  carried  it  over 
the  yard,  sprinkling  it  as  carefully  as  he  could,  and  in  the  morn 
ing  it  was  the  duty  of  the  police  to  clean  the  grounds.  This 
earth  was  piled  in  little  heaps  and  mule  teams  took  it  out  in  the 
morning.  In  this  way  the  enemy  promoted  our  scheme.  All 
that  we  had  to  dig  with  was  a  strap  hinge  and  a  case  knife.  We 
used  the  case  knife  for  cutting  through  roots  and  the  hinge  for 
digging,  and  with  only  these  implements  we  excavated  a  tunnel 
about  one  hundred  and  twenty  feet  long. 

It  was  bright  moonlight  when  we  completed  the  tunnel,  and 
we  did  not  think  it  advisable  to  go  out  then.  We  therefore 
waited  for  a  dark  night.  But  cows  were  grazing  over  in  the  lot 
next  to  the  yard  and  unfortunately  for  us  they  broke  into  the 
tunnel.  The  Confederates  investigated  and  found  that  it  was  a 
tunnel  leading  from  the  camp.  They  placed  a  guard  there  and 
waited  for  us. 

When  the  first  dark  night  came  Captain  McElroy,  Captain 
Grant  of  the  iQth  Wisconsin  and  myself  were  selected  to  go  out 
and  reconnoitre  and  find  out  what  was  the  best  thing  to  do.  We 
had  our  clothes  done  up  in  a  little  bundle  and  pushed  them  in 


114  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

front  of  us  —  and  here  I  will  say  that  those  who  worked  in  the 
tunnel  were  naked  all  the  time.  We  pushed  our  little  bundles 
ahead  of  us  until  we  came  to  the  end  of  the  tunnel,  McElroy 
ahead,  and  he  took  his  hinge  in  order  to  enlarge  the  opening  a 
little  when  somebody  from  the  outside  called  the  corporal  of  the 
guard  and  immediately  thrust  a  bayonet  down  into  the  ground 
at  that  place,  which  came  near  going  through  the  captain's  neck. 
He  called  out  "  Get  back,  we  are  discovered."  Of  course  we 
had  to  back  up  until  we  got  to  the  vault,  and  there  we  shifted 
ends  and  went  out  the  other  way. 

When  we  came  out,  Colonel  Wayne,  the  commander,  was 
there  with  his  guard,  and  the  pioneers  with  their  spades  and 
picks.  After  taking  our  names  and  telling  us  what  fine  speci 
mens  of  officers  we  were,  he  asked  if  there  were  many  in  the 
Union  army  as  good  and  as  fine  looking  as  we  were.  Of  course 
we  did  not  explain  how  we  came  to  be  in  such  condition.  WTe 
were  ordered  to  our  quarters. 

A  few  nights  afterwards,  in  walking  through  the  yard,  we 
discovered  between  the  camps  and  the  hospital  a  disused  well. 
We  determined  to  dig  into  this  well,  and  so  started  another 
tunnel.  We  had  been  working  but  a  little  time  when  one  night 
I  was  standing  on  the  edge  of  the  shaft  and  said  to  the  man 
who  was  in  the  tunnel,  or  just  about  going  in,  "You  must 
make  this  tunnel  larger;  the  other  wasn't  quite  large  enough." 
Of  course  I  did  not  imagine  that  there  was  any  one  about 
who  was  not  in  sympathy  with  us,  when  a  man  standing  near 
by  said,  "Don't  you-uns  want  to  buy  a  shirt?"  I  looked 
up,  and  there  was  a  Confederate  directly  over  my  shoulder.  I 
sprang  up  as  quickly  as  I  could,  and  attempted  to  catch  him, 
but  he  reached  the  gate  first,  and  in  a  little  time  —  it  was  a  very 
dark,  rainy  night  —  Colonel  Wayne  came  again  with  his  guard, 
proceeded  immediately  to  our  camp  and  said,  "  Take  down  these 
tents.  I  will  raze  every  one  of  them  to  the  ground,  but  I  will 
stop  these  accursed  Yankees  from  digging."  We  had  taken 
refuge  in  the  first  tents  we  came  to.  I  sprang  into  a  tent  near 


MY    CAPTURE,    PRISON    LIFE    AND    ESCAPE          115 

this  and  the  others  were  further  away.  There  were  two  officers 
in  this  tent  who  were  very  ill,  and  I  knew  that  to  expose  them  to 
the  weather  would  be  very  dangerous  to  them  ;  so  I  came  out  of 
my  hiding-place  and  went  to  the  colonel,  and  said,  "  Colonel,  it 
seems  very  hard  that  those  officers  who  are  ill  should  be  exposed 
to  this  weather."  He  turned  to  me  and  said,  "  What  is  it  that 
you  know  about  this  ?  "  I  said  "  I  know  all  about  it,  as  I 
organized  the  party  that  dug  it,  and  I  think  I  can  give  you  as 
much  information  as  any  one.'1  At  that  time  Captain  Grant 
came  out  and  said,  "  I  am  Captain  Benson's  second  in  command, 
and  if  there  is  any  punishment  to  be  inflicted  I  propose  to  take 
my  share  of  it."  Colonel  Wayne  said,  "What  are  your  names  ?  " 
I  said,  "  My  name  is  Benson."  Grant  said  his  name  was 
Grant.  Colonel  Wayne  said,  "  Oh,  yes,  I  think  I  have  your 
names."  I  said,  "  I  think  you  have  —  you  took  them,  at  least.  ' 
He  then  told  us  to  go  to  quarters. 

He  then  went  away.  In  the  morning  I  went  to  call  on  a 
friend  in  another  part  of  the  yard,  and  one  of  the  mess  came 
down  and  said,  "  The  provost  guard  is  at  your  tent  and  want 
you  to  come  up  there."  I  went  to  the  tent  and  found  a  corporal 
and  two  soldiers  with  bayonets  fixed.  The  corporal  told  me  that 
he  wanted  me  to  go  with  them.  So  I  took  my  boots  down  from 
the  ridgepole  of  the  tent,  put  them  on,  went  out,  proceeded  with 
the  guard,  and  found  that  Captain  Grant  had  to  go  with  another 
squad.  I  didn't  know  what  they  were  going  to  do  with  us,  but 
we  were  immediately  informed  by  the  colonel,  who  was  outside 
of  the  gate.  It  was  Sunday.  As  we  came  out,  he  kindly  in 
formed  me  that  he  was  very  sorry  that  my  propensities  for  dig 
ging  were  so  great,  as  he  thought  my  quarters  very  much  more 
comfortable  than  the  place  he  was  going  to  send  me  to.  I 
thanked  him,  and  told  him  he  couldn't  put  me  in  any  place  where 
I  should  ask  any  odds  of  him.  We  wrere  taken  to  the  jail,  turned 
over  to  the  jailer,  put  down  into  a  dungeon  there,  and  in  that 
place  we  stayed  sixteen  days.  We  did  not  have  a  drop  of  water 
or  a  piece  of  bread  during  our  stay  there  ;  a  soup  was  issued  to 


Il6  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

us  regularly  and  it  was  quite  nice,  too.  It  was  sufficient  for  us 
to  live  on. 

On  the  sixteenth  day,  in  the  morning,  there  was  a  change  in 
our  affairs.  The  quartermaster  of  the  post  had  been  in  the 
habit  of  going  through  the  corridor  for  the  purpose  of  being 
with  the  jailer,  to  whip  a  negro  who  had  stolen  a  tent,  trying  to 
get  him  to  tell  where  it  was  secreted.  For  several  mornings 
they  had  gone  around  there  and  I  could  hear  the  screams  of  that 
poor  fellow.  Of  course  I  didn't  know  what  it  was  all  about 
until  I  met  this  officer.  The  name  of  the  officer  was  Hatch, 
and  as  he  was  going  by  the  cell  on  the  morning  of  the  i6th,  I 
happened  to  think  that  I  was  a  Mason,  a  Knight  Templar,  but 
I  had  been  one  for  so  short  a  time  that  I  really  had  not  thought 
of  it.  This  time  I  did,  and  I  gave  him  a  sign  which  he  readily 
understood.  He  stopped  and  wanted  to  know  how  long  I  had 
been  in  there.  I  told  him  sixteen  days,  and  informed  him  why 
I  was  there,  what  I  had  been  doing,  etc.,  and  he  told  me  that 
Colonel  Wayne  —  who,  by  the  way,  was  the  colonel  of  the  first 
regular  Confederate  regiment,  and  rather  a  fine  officer  —  was 
the  Grand  Commander  of  the  Knights  Templars  for  the  State 
of  Georgia,  "and,"  he  added,  "should  you  make  an  application 
to  be  released,  I  have  no  doubt  he  will  send  you  back  to  the 
stockade.  If  you  wish  to  make  such  an  application,  I  will  go 
and  get  some  paper,  pen,  and  ink,  and  I  will  be  very  glad  indeed 
to  take  the  application  to  him  myself."  I  thanked  him.  He 
went  out,  brought  paper,  pen,  and  a  lighted  candle,  and  I  wrote 
the  application.  I  simply  told  him  that  should  I  remain  in  his 
command  longer  I  would  not  use  any  more  means  to  escape. 

He  took  the  application  out.  This  was  in  the  morning  about 
10  o'clock.  In  the  afternoon  Colonel  Wayne  came  down.  I 
heard  the  door  unlocked,  and  hoped  that  it  was  on  my  account, 
for  I  wanted  to  get  away  from  there.  I  had  countless  vermin 
on  me,  and  could  only  get  sleep  by  taking  off  all  my  clothes, 
piling  them  in  a  corner  of  the  cell,  and  using  my  boots  for  a 
pillow.  They  were  the  only  things  I  had  to  rest  upon  except 


MY   CAPTURE,    PRISON    LIFE    AND    ESCAPE  I  I/ 

the  cold  flagstones  in  the  cell.  Therefore  anything  would  be 
\velcome.  lie  came  down  with  the  jailer  and  said  to  me,  "  You 
have  sent  for  me?"  I  said,  "Yes,  Colonel,  I  have.  I  simply 
sent  an  application  to  you."  ''Well,"  he  said,  "  I  received  it 
and  have  come  here  to  take  you  out,  but  I  find  that  you  haven't 
embodied  in  that  application  all  that  I  wish  you  would."  I  said, 
"  Very  well,  Colonel,  what  else  do  you  want  ?  "  "  I  want  you 
to  tell  me  now  that  if  you  should  see  any  of  your  comrades 
attempting  to  escape  during  your  stay  here  in  Savannah  you  will 
take  means  to  let  me  know."  "Well,"  I  said,  "Colonel,  I  am 
surprised  that  you  should  ask  such  a  thing  of  an  old  soldier. 
I  am  surprised."  He  laughingly  said  that  he  didn't  expect  that 
I  would  consent.  "  But,"  he  said,  "I  am  going  to  take  you  out 
anyway." 

He  then  ordered  the  jailer  to  unlock  the  door  of  the  cell,  and 
I  stepped  out  into  the  corridor.  As  I  did  so  I  said,  "Where  is 
Captain  Grant  ?  "  The  colonel  replied,  "  Over  there,  I  suppose, 
and  he  can  stay  there  until  he  rots  for  all  me."  "Well,"  I  said, 
"  Colonel,  you  know  very  well  when  I  came  to  you  that  night  in 
the  storm  and  told  you  those  officers  were  ill,  the  captain  came 
out  very  quietly  and  told  you  he  was  my  second  in  command, 
and  if  there  was  any  punishment  to  be  inflicted  he  proposed  to 
take  his  share  of  it.  Now,  I  shall  not  go  out  unless  you  let 
Captain  Grant  out  as  well.  You  can  take  him  out,  or  put  me 
back."  He  said,  "Very  well,  I  will  let  him  go  back  on  one  con 
dition,  and  that  is  that  you  shall  be  responsible  for  Captain 
Grant."  I  said,  "  If  the  captain  attempts  to  escape  and  I  know 
it,  I  will  catch  him  if  I  can,  and  hold  him  until  you  come." 

They  went  to  the  captain's  cell  and  took  him  out.      He  was  a 

man  whom   I  then  thought  was  a  very  old  man  —  he  was  forty 

—  and  they  had  to  take  a  stretcher  and  carry  him  back  to  the 

stockade.      Of  course  we  had  quite  an  ovation  when  we  got  back 

to  the  stockade  that  afternoon. 

In  a  little  time  after  that  we  were  taken  over  to  Charleston 
and  joined  our  comrades,  who  had  preceded  us.  On  the  way 


Il8  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

we  conceived  the  idea  of  capturing  the  train.  Some  of  the  men 
had  been  over  the  road  and  knew  it  thoroughly,  and  we  thought 
with  a  code  of  signals  that  we  should  be  able  with  some  concert 
of  action  to  capture  the  train,  destroy  the  bridge  over  which  we 
were  to  pass,  and  make  our  way  to  the  coast.  The  plan  was 
given  into  the  hands  of  an  officer  who  agreed  to  get  into  the 
forward  car,  if  he  could,  and  upon  a  signal  which  he  was  to  give 
before  approaching  the  bridge  we  were  to  act.  In  our  car,  as  in 
every  car,  there  were  four  soldiers  with  their  muskets.  They 
generally  sat  near  the  door  with  their  muskets  crossed  over  the 
entrance.  We  thought  we  could  capture  those  guards  inside 
very  readily,  and  with  four  muskets  in  each  party  we  could 
spring  out,  after  the  train  had  been  brought  to  a  standstill,  and 
overpower  the  guards  who  were  on  the  top  of  the  cars.  It  was 
a  risky  undertaking,  but  still  we  thought  we  might  possibly 
accomplish  it.  We  expected  that  those  eight  men  on  the  top  of 
the  cars  would  shoot  eight  of  us  — •  which  eight  we  did  not  know 
exactly,  but  some  one  must  die  if  we  attempted  it.  That 
we  fully  realized.  But  the  officer,  unfortunately  —  or  fortu 
nately  for  a  good  many,  perhaps  —  never  gave  the  signal,  and  we 
went  over  the  bridge  all  right  and  into  Charleston. 

As  we  entered,  Grant  and  I  were  sitting  together,  looking  out 
o*f  the  door.  We  did  not  see  any  favorable  places  to  escape, 
and  decided  that  we  would  try  and  behave  ourselves  after  we 
got  into  Charleston,  and  take  things  as  we  found  them.  We 
arrived  in  the  afternoon  of  a  very  hot  day,  and  the  men  of  our 
party  were  taken  into  the  jail  yard,  one  of  the  most  filthy  places 
I  ever  saw.  The  roll  was  being  called,  and  my  name  came 
near  the  head  of  the  list.  As  I  was  walking  along,  stepping 
through  a  little  narrow  gate  into  the  yard,  the  officer  there  said, 
"  You  stand  a  moment."  I  stood  alongside  of  him  wondering 
what  was  going  to  come  next  ;  then  when  Grant  came  along  he 
was  also  taken  out  of  the  line  and  stood  beside  me. 

After  the  entire  roll  was  called  we  were  told  to  come  into 
the  officer's  quarters.  The  officer,  who  was  a  Lieutenant 


MY    CAPTURE,    PRISON    LIFE    AND    ESCAPE  I  19 

Vcdetto  of  this  same  regiment,  took  a  letter  from  the  table,  and 
said,  "  What  were  you  doing  in  Savannah  ?  "  I  told  him,  "  Noth 
ing  in  particular."  "  You  have  been  doing  something.  I  have 
a  letter  in  my  possession  which  came  from  Colonel  Wayne,  and 
I  would  advise  you  to  tell  me  just  what  you  were  doing."  I  told 
him  we  had  attempted  to  escape  twice,  had  been  captured,  had 
been  taken  once  and  put  in  a  dungeon  and  kept  there  sixteen 
days  with  very  little  to  eat,  with  rats  in  abundance,  and  cock 
roaches,  weighing  anywhere  from  one  to  six  pounds  apiece, 
falling  on  us.  I  said  that  I  didn't  think  we  could  be  punished 
any  more.  He  said,  "  No,  I  don't  think  that  there  is  any 
further  punishment  that  can  be  inflicted,  but  here  is  a  letter, 
and  I  will  read  it  : 

"Mv  DEAR  VKDKTTO,  —  You  will  find  in  the  squad  I  send  you  to-day  two 
officers,  Captains  Benson  and  Grant,  who  have  caused  me  a  great  deal  of  trouble 
here  in  Savannah  ;  and  I  would  suggest  that  you  offer  them  a  parole.  If  they 
will  sign  it  I  will  vouch  for  them." 

WTe  signed  the  parole,  and  were  put  down  into  a  house  on  the 
peninsula  between  the  Cooper  and  the  Ashley  Rivers.  This 
house  was  owned  by  Dr.  Todd,  a  brother  of  Mrs.  Lincoln. 
There  we  had  the  freedom  of  the  city,  — that  part  of  it  south 
of  King  Street.  There  were  only  two  houses  in  that  part  then  ; 
the  rest  had  been  burned  up. 

Now  the  reason  why  we  were  put  down  there  under  fire  was 
simply  to  protect  the  city,  to  stop  our  people  on  Morris  Island 
from  shelling  the  town.  In  retaliation  our  government  built  a 
stockade  on  Morris  Island,  and  took  sixteen  hundred  prisoners, 
I  believe  from  Dayton,  O.,  putting  them  into  the  stockade.  A 
compromise  was  made  a  little  while  after,  and  we  were  taken 
from  Charleston  and  sent  up  to  Columbia. 

About  the  second  or  third  day  of  October  we  were  taken 
on  board  the  cnrs  for  Columbia  ;  and  before  going  to  the  cars 
Grant  said,  "  As  soon  as  it  gets  dark  I  am  going  to  jump  off  the 
car,  and  I  want  you  to  go  with  me.  I  will  jump  off  just  as 
soon  as  we  get  on  to  high  land,  if  I  can  find  any."  We  found 


120  CIVIL    WAR    PAPERS 

out  that  we  were  going  to  Columbia,  and  I  told  him  it  would  be 
better  to  stay  on  the  train  until  we  got  nearly  there.  I  much 
preferred  riding  to  walking,  and  thought  it  best  to  stay  where 
we  were  and  get  all  the  riding  we  could ;  but  in  the  morning 
Grant  was  gone.  The  balance  of  us  were  taken  across  the  Con- 
garee  River,  and  put  into  a  field  with  a  guard,  and  a  dead  line 
established,  the  sentinels  being  composed  of  old  men  and  boys 
from  the  college  there.  The  old  men  could  carry  a  musket  on 
one  shoulder,  and  a  cane  in  the  other  hand.  Of  course  the 
boys  were  strapping  fellows ;  but  it  seemed  humiliating  to  be 
confined  there  —  sixteen  hundred  of  us  —  with  those  boys  and 
very  old  men,  —  men  over  sixty-five  years  of  age,  and  boys  less 
than  fifteen. 

After  I  had  been  in  the  camp  a  little  while  I  saw  by  the 
papers  that  some  of  the  men  from  my  own  regiment  had  been 
captured,  and  were  in  the  jail  down  town.  I  went  to  Major  Mills, 
the  commander,  and  got  permission  to  go  down  to  see  these  men. 
Several  of  us  went  together.  He  sent  a  guard  of  one  with  us, 
-  one  of  his  officers.  We  told  him  we  would  come  back  again  if 
he  would  let  us  go.  So  we  went  down  to  Columbia.  It  was 
quite  a  warm  afternoon.  The  only  thing  I  had  to  wear  that 
was  decent  was  an  officer's  overcoat  which  I  borrowed,  and  I 
was  nearly  roasted.  Perhaps  that  may  be  why  I  thought  it  was 
so  warm. 

We  went  down,  and  I  found  my  men.  We  stayed  around 
town  quite  a  while,  and  then  started  across  the  river  again.  We 
came  to  a  place  near  where  the  Confederacy  had  their  plant  for 
manufacturing  their  valuable  money.  The  Confederate  officer 
in  charge  of  us  happened  to  recollect  that  he  had  some  friends 
living  in  that  neighborhood,  so  he  wanted  us,  as  there  was  a  big 
shower  coming  up,  to  go  in  there  for  protection.  We  went  in, 
and  it  was  dark  before  we  got  away.  When  we  did  get  away, 
as  this  officer  had  been  imbibing  quite  freely,  Captain  Roche  of 
the  1 2th  New  York  Heavy  Artillery,  Lieutenant  Swan  and 
myself,  were  obliged  to  lead  our  guard  home.  We  did  it  safely, 


MY    CAPTURE,    PRISON    LIFE   AND    ESCAPE  121 

and  turned  him  over  to  the  commander.  The  major  said,  "  Gen 
tlemen,  had  I  been  in  your  places,  I  wouldn't  have  come  back." 
I  said,  "  Yes,  but  we  told  you  we  would  come  back.  We  are, 
however  —  or  I  for  one  am  going  to  leave  you  very  soon.  I 
have  been  out  just  long  enough  to  think  that  I  can  do  so." 
"  Well,"  he  said,  "  let  me  know  a  little  while  before  you  go  and 
I  will  try  and  prevent  it." 

We  tried  to  get  up  a  party  there  to  capture  the  camp.  This 
Congaree  River  was  quite  a  broad  river,  with  no  other  crossing 
save  one  until  the  Saluda  is  reached.  The  Saluda  and  French 
Broad  form  the  Congaree.  The  river  was  also  quite  rapid. 
We  thought  that  if  we  could  capture  the  camp,  there  being  five 
twelve-pounders  there  and  a  good  supply  of  ammunition,  we 
would  have  a  safe  commanding  position.  We  planned  to  cap 
ture  the  guard  when  we  fell  in  at  the  morning  roll-call,  because 
when  the  roll  was  being  called  the  Confederates  were  cooking 
their  breakfast,  and  we  were  as  near  as  they  to  the  stacked 
arms.  We  thought  we  could  capture  the  guard,  and  take  pos 
session  of  the  camp,  and  so  we  tried  to  get  up  a  company  to  do 
it.  Out  of  the  sixteen  hundred  men  we  got  one  hundred  and 
eighty  who  said  they  would  try.  We  went  to  Colonel  Thorpe 
of  the  8th  Illinois  Cavalry  and  told  him  what  our  plan  was.  He 
said  it  was  a  rash  piece  of  business,  and  that  we  ought  not  to 
think  of  attempting  it  ;  that  if  we  did  he  should  inform  the 
authorities  and  have  it  stopped  right  where  it  was.  His  advice 
may  have  been  good,  but  we  thought  we  knew  better.  How 
ever,  the  plan  fell  through. 

Our  next  thought  was  to  run  the  guard.  Colonel  Walpole, 
—  a  captain  at  that  time,  —  Captain  Geer,  Lieutenant  Correll 
and  myself  got  together  one  day  and  decided  to  run  the  guard 
and  make  our  way  North.  The  night  that  we  selected  was  very 
dark.  It  was  the  first  night  of  November.  We  were  tired  of 
staying  out  in  the  field  with  no  covering  and  very  little  to  eat. 
We  concluded  that  we  could  do  better  by  ourselves,  and  decided 
to  make  the  attempt  anyway.  The  night  that  we  intended  to 


122  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

carry  it  into  execution  we  crawled  up  as  near  as  we  dared  to  the 
dead  line  and  waited  for  the  relief  to  come.  The  instructions 
were  that  if  any  one  attempted  to  run  the  guard  or  if  there  was 
anything  that  caused  a  sentry  to  fire,  the  entire  front  should 
concentrate  its  fire  upon  that  one  point.  We  waited  until  the 
sentinel  had  been  released  and  the  guard  was  in  motion.  Then 
all  four  of  us  got  on  to  our  feet  and  ran  over  the  line.  Of 
course  we  made  some  noise  and  confusion.  The  sentry  nearest 
to  us  fired,  but  it  was  so  dark  that  he  happened  not  to  hit  any 
of  us.  Immediately  the  whole  relief  faced  about  and  fired. 
But  we  got  away  into  the  woods  and  kept  on  running  as  long  as 
we  could.  We  ran  until  it  was  beginning  to  show  a  little  day 
light,  when  we  went  into  the  woods  again,  found  a  convenient 
place  and  lay  down.  There  we  remained  all  day,  not  daring  to 
show  our  heads,  because  we  were  near  many  people.  We  could 
hear  them  talking,  could  see  them  all  around  us,  but  fortunately 
they  did  not  see  us.  We  remained  there  until  night  and  then 
started  out.  For  seven  days  we  scouted  along  through  the 
night  and  in  the  daytime  would  sleep  under  a  log  or  in  any  con 
venient  hiding-place  \ve  could  find.  In  rainy  and  cold  weather 
it  was  a  little  uncomfortable. 

On  the  seventh  day,  Colonel  Walpole,  not  being  accustomed 
to  such  usage,  became  exhausted  and  wanted  us  to  let  him  stop 
and  give  himself  up  to  the  authorities,  while  wre  went  on.  We 
declined  to  do  that.  We  had  been  living  on  nothing  but  raw 
corn  which  we  had  taken  from  the  fields  and  carried  in  our 
pockets.  This  we  wet  when  we  got  such  water  as  we- would 
find  at  the  side  of  the  road.  On  the  seventh  night  when  we 
were  discussing  the  situation,  we  saw  a  little  light  in  front  and 
determined  for  the  first  time  to  go  to  a  house  and  see  if  we 
couldn't  get  something  to  eat.  We  had  usually  marched  in 
single  file  on  moonlight  nights,  forty  or  fifty  yards  apart,  and 
when  it  was  dark  not  a  third  of  that  distance.  During  all  the 
nights  while  we  were  on  the  road  there  was  not  a  word  spoken 
that  could  be  heard  halfway  across  this  room.  My  business 


MY   CAPTURE,    PRISON    LIFE   AND  ESCAPE  123 

was  to  go  ahead,  Geer's  was  to  select  a  suitable  place  for  camp, 
Walpole  helped  bring  water  for  the  cook,  Correll  did  the 
cooking. 

I  went  to  this  door  and  knocked  and  some  one  said  "  Who  is 
there  ?  "  I  told  him  "A  friend."  They  wanted  to  know  who  I 
was.  I  said  "  Open  the  door  and  let  me  in,  and  I  will  tell  you 
just  who  I  am."  After  consultation  they  opened  the  door  and 
I  went  in.  The  one  who  opened  the  door  was  an  old  colored 
man  and  he  immediately,  upon  slipping  the  bolt,  jumped  back 
into  bed,  and  I  saw  that  there  was  also  an  old  colored  woman. 
The  only  room  in  the  house  was  this  one,  which  was  occupied 
by  this  elderly  couple.  I  walked  up  to  the  side  of  the  bed  and 
told  them  that  I  wanted  something  to  eat,  that  I  was  nearly 
famished.  The  old  man  said  "  We  haven't  got  anything,  Massa, 
we  are  very  poor."  "Haven't  you  something?  Can't  you 
give  me  a  piece  of  pone  or  something  ?  —  I  don't  care  what  it 
is."  "  We  haven't  anything."  "  Haven't  you  a  piece  of  bread, 
apiece  of  meat,  or  anything?"  "No,  we  can't  give  you  any 
thing,  we  haven't  anything."  "Then  perhaps  I  will  ask  you 
another  favor  —  do  you  suppose  you  could  keep  a  secret  if  I 
told  you  something  ?  "  He  said  he  didn't  know,  perhaps  he 
could.  I  said  "  I  am  a  Union  officer,  escaped  from  prison  at 
Columbia,  South  Carolina,  and  we  are  trying  to  work  our  way 
up  into  our  lines  at  Knoxville."  Well,  both  of  them  jumped 
out  of  bed  then  and  the  woman  went  to  the  corner  where  there 
was  a  little  box,  opened  it  and  took  out  a  wooden  tray,  got  some 
meal  and  water  and  the  necessary  seasoning.  The  old  man 
raked  open  the  coals  upon  the  hearth  and  took  out  a  turkey 
wing.  In  a  little  while  a  pone  was  nicely  moulded  and  placed 
there,  and  soon  I  had  such  a  banquet  as  I  never  enjoyed  before 
in  my  life. 

The  old  man  seemed  to  be  very  earnest  about  whatever  he 
attempted  to  do.  He  said  "Now,  you  mustn't  go  any  farther 
to-night.  I  will  take  you  up  into  a  laurel  patch  here,  where  there 
is  a  disused  still,  and  to-morrow  bring  you  up  something  to  eat, 


124  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

or  mother  will,  and  then  I  will  either  go  with  you  myself  or 
furnish  a  younger  man  to  pilot  you  for  a  distance."  He  then 
dressed  himself,  took  us  about  two  miles  into  the  woods  and 
showed  us  this  old  still,  and  told  us  we  could  lie  there  in  perfect 
safety.  There  was  straw,  and  three  of  us  lay  down  while  the 
other  one  took  his  place  at  the  entrance  to  the  still  and  re 
mained  on  guard  during  the  daytime. 

In  the  afternoon,  at  about  two  o'clock  I  noticed  coming  from 
the  other  side  through  a  little  opening,  this  colored  woman, 
our  hostess  of  the  night  before.  She  came  in,  taking  a  cir 
cuitous  way.  At  every  turn  she  made  I  saw  that  she  was 
approaching  this  point,  and  as  she  came  to  the  path  I  stepped 
farther  back  into  the  woods  and  let  her  come  in.  When  I 
stepped  in  front  of  her  she  said  "  My,  I  am  so  glad  to  see  you. 
I  have  brought  your  dinner."  She  had  brought  us  a  very  nice 
dinner,  and  seemed  to  enjoy  seeing  us  eat  as  much  as  we 
enjoyed  eating.  She  told  us  that  her  husband  would  come  that 
night,  that  by  a  signal  agreed  upon  he  would  let  us  know  that 
it  was  he  and  that  we  were  to  answer  it  in  the  same  manner. 
She  also  said  that  they  had  invited  some  of  their  friends  down 
in  the  country  to  meet  us. 

The  old  gentleman  came  along  about  nine  o'clock  and  we 
started  off  to  join  in  this  reception  over  in  the  lot.  We  found 
there  fifteen  or  twenty  colored  people.  They  had  assembled 
from  around  the  neighborhood,  and  we  were  introduced  to  them, 
they  being  told  that  we  were  officers  of  the  United  States 
Army. 

We  had  a  very  nice  time  there.  They  brought  some  little 
things  for  us.  Some  had  socks  and  others  mittens.  I  was 
sitting  on  a  stone  heap  with  a  buxom  colored  woman  and  she 
wanted  to  give  me  something,  she  didn't  know  what,  but  she 
said  the  only  thing  she  thought  of  that  would  do  me  any  good 
was  a  fine-tooth  comb.  I  told  her  she  couldn't  have  thought 
of  anything  that  was  more  useful,  and  I  kept  it  and  used  it. 

After  the  reception  was  over  the  old  fellow  selected  a  young 


MY    CAPTURE,    PRISON    LIFE    AND    ESCAPE  125 

man,  who  went  with  us  ten  miles  that  night,  and  put  us  in  the 
hands  of  another  colored  man.  And  so  it  was  for  quite  a  long 
way.  Sometimes  we  were  sent  to  find  these  people  and  missed 
them,  and  then  had  to  work  our  way  along  as  best  we  could. 

There  was  a  man  whom  we  had  been  told  about,  Mr.  John 
Logan,  whose  brother  was  in  the  Confederate  Congress — a 
man  noted  for  his  goodness  all  over  that  region.  We  were  as 
sured  that  if  we  could  find  him  we  should  get  assistance.  The 
negroes  all  knew  him,  and  as  this  negro  who  went  with  us  to  his 
house  could  not  be  seen  with  us,  he  left  us  to  do  as  best  we 
could.  I  went  to  the  door  and  knocked.  He  had  a  room  in  a 
little  post-office,  a  small  building  near  the  road.  He  owned  a 
beautiful  mansion  near  by,  but  his  wife  having  died  a  little  while 
before,  he  would  not  stay  in  it  a  moment  afterwards,  but  had 
a  room  finished  off  in  this  little  building.  When  I  knocked 
a  young  colored  man  came  to  the  door.  I  said,  "  Is  Mr.  Logan 
in  ?"  He  said  he  was,  in  bed.  I  walked  in.  There  was  a 
partition  between  the  outside  front  room  and  this  sleeping  room, 
which  did  not  go  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  way  up  to  the 
ceiling.  I  went  into  the  sleeping  room,  walked  up  to  the  bed 
side,  and  said  "Is  this  Mr.  Logan  ?  "  He  said  it  was.  I  said 
"  Mr.  Logan  I  am  an  escaped  prisoner,  a  Union  officer  from 
Columbia,  and  am  trying  to  work  my  way  north  to  the  moun 
tains,  to  Knoxville.  I  have  been  told  that  you  are  a  friend  of 
the  Yankees,  and  that  if  I  could  find  you  you  would  give  me 
some  assistance."  He  sort  of  turned  over  in  his  bed  a  little  and 
said,  "  I  am  not  a  friend  of  the  Yankees  ;  I  sha'n't  give  you  any 
food  or  directions,  but  I  will  take  you  and  turn  you  over  to  the 
authorities  to-morrow  morning."  At  the  same  time  he  threw 
the  clothes  off  and  sprang  on  the  floor.  When  he  got  out  of 
bed  I  found  that  he  was  a  small  man,  and  had  a  crooked  leg 
and  walked  on  his  toes.  Now,  I  never  saw  a  man  in  my  life  I 
was  afraid  of  who  walked  on  his  toes.  There  was  a  rifle  in  the 
corner  and  I  stepped  over  and  seized  it.  I  said,  "  I  came  in 
here,  Mr.  Logan,  expecting  to  find  some  one  who  would  assist  me. 


126  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

I  am  very  much  disappointed,  I  certainly  don't  want  to  injure 
you.  I  don't  want  any  trouble  with  you.  I  simply  tell  you  to 
go  back  to  bed,  because  if  you  don't  I  shall  be  inclined  to  send 
your  soul  to  God  quicker  than  you  ever  received  it."  He  went 
back  to  bed  that  instant,  and  didn't  have  the  politeness  to  say 
"Good-night." 

I  stood  there  for  a  moment,  deliberating  what  was  best  to  do, 
and  decided  that  I  would  go  out  into  the  darkness,  notify  my 
people  that  I  had  not  met  with  success,  and  that  we  would  then 
go  on  and  try  to  find  somebody  else.  As  soon  as  I  got  out  of 
the  room  Logan  called  to  the  colored  man  and  said,  "  You  go  out 
and  keep  your  eye  on  the  Yankee,  and  in  the  morning  I  will  get 
a  force  out  and  catch  him."  I  started  out  and  went  back  again 
on  the  same  road.  Down  this  road  on  one  side  were  some  very 
large  chestnut  trees.  This  little  colored  fellow  was  following 
me.  I  got  him  clown  as  far  as  I  thought  was  necessary,  and 
then  I  stepped  behind  a  tree  and  let  him  come  up.  He 
came  crawling  along,  and  although  it  was  dark  I  located  him 
all  right  and  sprang  on  him.  I  seized  him  and  said  "  Now,  if 
you  make  one  particle  of  noise  I  will  kill  you.  I  have  killed 
five  niggers  to-day,  and  if  you  don't  look  out  you  will  be  the 
sixth.  Now  I  want  you  to  be  quiet."  As  soon  as  he  could 
he  said,  "Well,  Massa,  I  know  you  are  a  Yankee,  and  of 
course  we  want  to  help  you."  He  was  a  very  bright  young 
fellow,  and  he  said,  "  Now  I  will  go  back  and  tell  Massa  I  can't 
find  you ;  then  he  will  tell  me  to  go  out  and  stay  until  I  can 
find  you,  then  I  will  go  and  get  you  something  to  eat,  and  then 
I  will  go  with  you  a  little  way,  and  tell  you  how  to  get  along." 
I  followed  him  up  to  the  house  again  and  he  told  his  master 
that  he  could  not  find  me,  and  the  master  told  him  to  go  out  and 
stay  until  he  did  find  me.  Then  he  went  out,  went  to  a  little 
cabin  and  got  something  for  us  to  eat.  Then  that  colored  man 
went  with  us  eight  miles  that  night,  as  far  as  he  could  go  and 
get  back  in  season  for  his  day's  task. 

And  so  we  went  on.     We  had  a  great  deal  of  adventure,  in 


MY    CAPTURE,    PRISON    LIFE    AND    ESCAPE  I2/ 

one  way  and  another,  with  the  home  guard.  The  home  guard 
consisted  of  old  men  of  sixty  to  sixty-five  years,  which  was  the 
limit,  and  the  younger  boys,  formed  into  what  was  known  as  a 
private  guard.  Their  duties  were  to  patrol  all  roads  for  the 
purpose  of  catching  runaway  negroes  or  escaped  prisoners  like 
ourselves.  We  were  continually  coming  across  these  people, 
but  always  managed  in  some  way  to  avoid  them. 

One  night  as  we  were  going  along  we  made  up  our  minds 
that  we  wanted  some  green  goose,  and  as  we  were  armed  with 
hickory  sticks  Correll  thought  we  could  kill  a  goose  without 
making  any  noise,  which  wras  something  that  I  never  knew  to 
be  done.  He  walked  up  to  a  flock  of  geese  and  struck  into 
them.  Unfortunately  there  was  a  man  standing  in  front  of  his 
house,  who  said,  "  What  are  you  doing  ?  What  is  the  matter 
there  ?  Get  out  !  "  Of  course  we  knew  that  something  would 
be  the  matter  unless  we  got  out  of  the  way,  so  we  jumped  over 
the  fence,  flanked  the  house,  and  came  around  on  the  other 
side.  We  started  off  and  had  gone  perhaps  a  mile  or  two  when 
I  heard  a  hound  behind  us,  and  knew  what  it  all  meant.  \Ve 
knew  we  were  nearing  the  Broad  River,  but  did  not  know 
exactly  where  it  was,  although  we  could  tell  by  the  atmosphere 
that  it  was  not  far  off.  We  climbed  over  a  fence,  ran  across  a 
field,  and  came  upon  the  river.  A  fence  extended  to  the 
water's  edge,  and  as  we  reached  the  stream  we  began  taking  the 
rails  and  putting  them  into  the  water,  holding  them  to  the  shore 
at  one  end  by  a  stone.  On  them  we  piled  crosswise  all  the 
rails  we  could  get.  When  the  dogs  came  very  close  to  us  we 
sprang  on  to  the  rails,  pushed  out  into  the  stream  and  began 
paddling  for  the  other  shore.  The  dogs  came  to  the  place  where 
we  had  embarked.  We  could  hear  them,  and  could  even  hear 
the  men  with  them  talking,  but  they  did  not  see  us.  We 
reached  the  other  side  safely,  but  much  chilled,  and  frolicked 
around  until  our  blood  was  in  good  circulation. 

One  Sunday  night  we  were  going  along  very  quietly,  with 
the  woods  on  one  side  and  fields  on  the  other,  when  we  heard 


128  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

people  in  front  of  us.  They  were  singing  some  old  familiar 
gospel  hymn.  It  struck  me  very  forcibly.  That  day  we  had 
had  nothing  to  eat,  and  were  nearly  famished.  I  said  to  my 
companions,  "  If  you  will  stop  right  here  near  enough  to  sup 
port  me  —  I  don't  know  just  what  I  am  going  to  contend  with 
—  I  will  go  along  and  see  what  is  going  on.  Probably  there  is 
a  negro  there,  and  if  there  is  I  will  take  him  out."  So  I  went 
along  a  little  way  and  hid  myself  behind  a  small  hummock. 
The  very  first  person  that  appeared  was  a  small  negro.  I  rose 
up,  caught  him  in  my  arms,  and  threw  him  fiat  on  the  ground. 
The  whole  congregation,  consisting  of  fifteen  or  twenty  persons, 
passed  within  fifteen  feet  of  our  position,  but  it  was  very  dark 
and  they  could  not  see  us,  and  that  negro  never  uttered  a 
sound.  After  they  were  out  of  hearing  I  said  to  him,  "  Why 
didn't  you  holler  ? "  He  said,  "  Oh,  golly,  Massa,  I  was  so 
scared  I  couldn't  holler."  I  then  told  him  who  we  were.  He 
took  us  to  the  top  of  the  hill  to  a  white  woman  there  whose 
husband  was  in  the  Union  Army.  She  gave  us  everything  she 
had  in  the  house  to  eat.  When  we  went  away  we  wished  to 
give  her  some  souvenir.  Geer  gave  her  a  silver  pencil,  and 
Walpole  and  Correll  each  cut  a  button  off  his  coat.  All  that  I 
had  was  a  toothbrush  which  I  paid  fifteen  or  sixteen  dollars  for 
in  Charleston,  and  I  gave  her  that. 

We  came  to  the  French  Broad  River,  through  that  historical 
old  place,  the  Cow-pens.  One  day  we  had  an  adventure  with 
another  man  whom  we  met,  named  Goforth.  We  had  been  all 
day  on  a  hill  looking  at  him  and  his  young  men  who  were  haul 
ing  corn  fodder  from  the  fields  and  piling  it  up  in  the  barn. 
We  were  between  two  roads,  and  did  not  dare  to  get  up  from 
the  logs  where  we  were  for  fear  of  being  seen.  When  it  came 
night,  just  about  dusk,  we  came  down  the  hill,  leaving  Walpole 
and  Correll  on  the  hill.  We  went  to  the  house,  climbed  over 
a  little  fence,  and  went  alongside  of  this  man  and  said,  "  Good- 
evening."  He  seemed  to  be  very  courteous,  and  Geer  said — 
"  Can  you  tell  me  which  road  we  would  take  to  go  to  Morgan- 


MY  CAPTURE,    PRISON    LIFE   AND    ESCAPE  129 

ton  ?  "  "  This  one  over  here,"  he  replied.  "  How  far  is  it  to  Mor- 
ganton  ?  "  "  Eight  miles."  "  Are  there  any  hotels  between  here 
and  Morganton  ?  "  "One  they  call  a  hotel  three  or  four  miles 
down  the  road.  It  is  not  very  good,  but  they  put  people  up." 
Then  he  said,  "  Who  might  you  be  ?  "  Geer  said,  "  We  might 
be  a  great  many  people,  but  there  are  only  two  of  us.  We  are 
special  officers  of  the  government."  He  wanted  our  papers,  as 
it  was  the  custom  there  with  any  person  out  in  a  strange  part  of 
the  country  to  have  a  pass.  Geer  said,  "  We  have  papers,  but 
we  are  not  under  any  obligation  to  show  them,  as  we  are  special 
officers,  as  I  have  told  you,  of  the  government.  I  certainly 
decline,  and  I  presume  my  friend  will  decline  to  let  you  see 
them."  I  declined,  telling  him  he  couldn't  see  mine  anyway. 
We  kept  him  there  until  it  was  so  dark  that  he  couldn't  see 
which  way  we  were  going.  When  we  thought  it  was  dark 
enough  we  bid  him  good-night  and  started  along  the  road  to 
Morganton.  We  wanted  to  go  to  Marion,  in  an  entirely  oppo 
site  direction.  We  went  over  the  hill.  As  soon  as  he  was  fairly 
out  of  sight  we  jumped  into  the  woods  and  lay  down.  In  a 
short  time  those  men  saddled  their  mules,  mounted,  aroused 
their  neighbors,  and  very  soon  six  men  went  down  the  road  as 
fast  as  they  could  go  in  pursuit  of  us.  After  they  had  gone  we 
left  our  hiding-place,  went  around  on  the  hill,  found  our  com 
panions,  and  hastened  out  of  the  district  as  fast  as  we  could. 

We  came  a  little  further  up  the  country  to  a  place  called 
Spruce  Pine.  We  learned  that  there  was  a  man  there  named 
Isaac  English  who  was  recruiting  for  Kirk's  Cavalry,  and  we 
were  advised  to  go  there,  as  he  would  assist  us.  We  found 
Isaac  English  and  learned  that  it  was  true,  that  he  was  a  Union 
man — a  loyal,  true,  staunch  Union  man.  He  told  us  that  in 
the  mountains  above,  where  it  was  very  high  up,  there  was  a 
force  of  about  a  thousand  Confederate  deserters,  and  about  half 
that  number  of  refugees  \vho  had  been  obliged  to  leave  their 
homes  and  seek  safety  in  the  mountains.  They  were  cared  for 
by  the  people  in  the  valleys  below.  They  had  there  a  loyal 


130  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

league,  called  the  "  Red  and  White  String,"  and  these  people 
wanted  us  to  go  up  and  be  initiated  into  the  order.  We  told  them 
we  would  go.  We  went  up  and  found,  as  Mr.  English  had  said, 
a  thousand  Confederate  deserters,  and  half  as  many  refugees, 
with  their  camp-fires  burning,  arms  stacked,  and  having  a  good 
time.  We  were  introduced  to  the  leader,  the  master  of  cere 
monies,  and  after  the  social  part  of  it  was  over  we  were  told  to 
kneel  in  a  circle.  They  brought  out  a  Bible  and  a  wooden 
square,  told  us  to  place  our  right  hands  upon  the  square,  and, 
with  our  left  hand  extended  up  to  heaven,  repeat  alter  the 
leader  a  solemn  oath  which  we  did.  We  were  given  the  counter 
sign  and  the  signal  of  distress,  and  then  decorated  with  the 
emblem  of  the  order,  which  was  a  red  and  white  twisted  string 
to  be  tied  in  the  button-hole  or  elsewhere.  He  also  told  us  that 
in  Carter  County  we  would  find  a  great  many  loyal  friends. 
Now  Carter  County  in  East  Tennessee  was  a  county  distinctly 
loyal.  It  is  surrounded  by  Yancy,  Mitchell,  Elizabeth,  Jackson, 
and  Johnson  Counties,  and  nearly  every  person  living  in  Carter 
County  at  the  time  we  were  there,  was  as  loyal  as  ourselves. 
Those  who  had  been  disloyal  in  Carter  County  were  driven  from 
their  homes  and  sought  refuge  in  other  neighboring  counties, 
and  all  persons  who  had  loyal  sentiments  were  driven  from  their 
homes  in  other  counties  into  Carter  County.  The  result  was 
that  Carter  County  alone  was  all  loyal,  while  all  around  them 
were  disloyal. 

A  great  many  of  these  loyalists  never  stayed  in  their  houses 
at  night.  They  were  on  the  alert,  bushwhacking  and  raiding, 
and  I  learned  in  the  little  time  I  was  there  what  it  cost  to  be 
loyal.  After  we  had  been  in  this  county  a  day  or  two  we 
learned  that  Breckinridge  had  reinforced  Vaughn,  and  driven 
General  Gillam  out  of  Bull's  Gap,  and  all  the  passes  by  which 
we  could  get  out  had  been  stopped ;  consequently  we  were 
obliged  to  remain  there  until  such  time  as  circumstances 
would  permit  of  our  getting  away. 

At   that  time  they  were   forming  a  party  to  go  to  Johnson 


MY    CAPTURE,    PRISON    LIFE    AND    ESCAPE  131 

County  on  a  raid,  and  we,  not  liking  to  remain  behind,  decided 
that  we  would  join  them,  and  go  along  for  a  little  frolic.  There 
were  ninety-three  men,  indifferently  armed,  with  but  little 
ammunition.  A  few  had  rifles,  one  a  flint-lock,  another  a 
musket ;  one  or  two  had  carbines,  some  had  revolvers ;  some 
had  ten  rounds  of  cartridges,  while  others  had  but  three.  We 
started  on  the  raid  and  went  across  the  mountain  to  what  is 
known  as  the  Elk  River,  and  tried  to  make  our  way  up  to 
Johnsonville,  which  is  the  shire  town  of  Johnson  County.  Our 
scouts  came  in  and  reported  such  a  force  there  that  it  would  not 
be  advisable  to  make  an  attack,  as  we  had  not  ammunition 
enough  or  strength  enough  to  cope  with  them.  Then  we 
decided  to  go  over  to  Roan  Mountain  and  finish  up  our  little 
affair  in  that  direction.  We  went  over  the  mountain  and  came 
down  into  the  valley,  and  the  first  man  we  saw  was  walking 
across  the  road.  I,  being  a  cavalry  officer,  was  in  advance  with 
five  men.  I  rode  over  to  this  man  and  told  him  I  wanted  him 
to  turn  over  to  us  all  he  had  in  the  way  of  oxen,  horses  and 
other  things  that  we  stood  in  need  of.  He  wanted  to  know  who 
we  were,  and  I  told  him  we  were  officers  of  the  Union  army. 
Well,  that  didn't  seem  to  astonish  him  very  much  ;  however,  we 
took  everything  he  had  in  our  line. 

I  there  learned  what  a  raid  really  meant.  I  had  been  on 
raids  before  but  I  never  saw  anything  like  this  ;  cutlery,  bed 
ding,  household  utensils,  —  everything  movable  was  taken  out 
and  tied  in  a  bag,  and  in  that  way,  taking  oxen,  sheep,  cows, 
mules,  and  everything  else,  we  had  quite  a  miscellaneous 
stock. 

We  moved  on,  and  for  a  long  time  did  not  see  a  man,  but  we 
captured  everything  that  we  could  find,  coming  at  last  to  a  place 
called  Taylor's  Gut.  It  was  a  place  through  the  mountains 
where  the  walls  rise  abruptly  three  or  four  hundred  feet.  I  was 
riding  along  at  the  head  of  the  column  when  an  old  lady  came 
out  and  said,  "  Who  is  in  command  of  this  army?"  I  said, 
"Lieutenant  Blackwell,"  who  was  in  the  rear.  "Well,"  she 


132  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

said,  "you  are  going  to  be  murdered,  every  one  of  you." 
"  Why  do  you  think  so  ?  "  "  Because  there  is  a  powerful  heap 
of  men  up  at  yonder  knob."  "  How  many  do  you  think  there 
are?"  "Oh,  a  right  smart  heap  —  a  dozen  of  them."  Well,  I 
told  her  that  if  there  weren't  more  than  a  dozen  we  shouldn't  all 
get  murdered.  When  the  lieutenant  came  up  the  old  lady  re 
peated  to  him  substantially  what  she  had  said  to  me.  He  called 
for  volunteers  to  go  into  the  bushes  and  shake  them  up,  and  in  a 
minute  they  all  wanted  to  go.  There  were  not  men  enough  left 
to  drive  the  flock  along.  The  volunteers  went  into  the  woods  and 
located  these  men  very  quickly.  Then  after  a  little  fusillade  we 
drove  through  the  Gut. 

When  we  came  out  we  reached  a  place  called  Taylor's  Open 
ing.  We  were  riding  along,  as  we  thought,  comparatively  safe. 
I  heard  a  screeching  behind  which  really  seemed  as  though 
there  were  ten  thousand  men  in  our  rear.  In  the  house  of  a 
Mr.  Jake  Wagner  was  a  young  lady  who  had  just  returned  from 
boarding-school.  She  was  screaming  to  prevent  the  men  from 
going  into  the  house,  and  at  last  persuaded  them  to  go  away. 
They  left,  and  then  I  stole  a  beautiful  Arabian  horse.  I  liked 
the  horse  so  well  that  I  thought  I  would  ride  him  off.  I  left 
word  that  I  would  send  him  back  as  soon  as  I  had  no  further 
use  for  him. 

In  the  meantime  the  small  force  we  had  left  behind  was 
coming  after  us.  I  turned  around  and  saw  a  man  coming  over 
the  hill  riding  on  a  white  horse,  his  hair  flying  and  his  coat  open 
to  the  shoulders,  and  six  or  eight  more  coming  after  him.  I 
saw  our  men  running,  some  one  way  and  some  another,  and 
concluded  that  there  was  going  to  be  a  stampede,  but  I  saw  in 
a  moment  that  they  were  simply  taking  to  cover.  One  got 
behind  an  apple  tree  not  over  six  inches  in  diameter,  another 
behind  a  little  stone  pile,  another  took  the  corner  of  a  fence. 
Lieutenant  Blackwell  directed  them  not  to  fire  until  he  gave  the 
order.  As  soon  as  the  enemy  were  near  enough  he  ordered  our 
men  to  fire,  and  they  did  so,  shooting  four  of  them  dead.  The 


MY   CAPTURE,    PRISON    LIFE   AND    ESCAPE  133 

man  who  was  riding  this  white  horse,  when  he  fell  from  the 
horse,  did  not  disengage  his  right  foot  from  the  stirrup  and  was 
dragged  along  on  the  ground  for  some  distance.  We  then 
charged  them,  capturing  the  other  four  and  took  them  along. 
That  day  we  crossed  the  Elk  River  again  and  bivouacked  for  the 
night.  The  prisoners  were  put  under  guard,  and  I  supposed 
something  would  be  done  with  them,  I  didn't  know  what.  But 
we  had  our  camp  fires  built  and  passed  the  night,  which  was 
very  cold,  as  comfortably  as  we  could.  In  the  morning,  as  I 
was  not  sleeping  very  soundly,  I  thought  I  would  go  down  and 
see  about  those  prisoners.  I  walked  down  to  where  they  had 
been,  but  they  were  not  there.  I  went  to  Lieutenant  Blackwell 
and  said  "Lieutenant,  those  prisoners  have  gone."  He  said 
"  Oh  yes."  "  Did  you  know  it?"  "  Oh  yes,  I  supposed  they 
would  go."  " Where  have  they  gone  to?  What  has  become 
of  them?"  "Oh,  don't  inquire.  They  won't  trouble  you  any 
more." 

After  we  had  eaten  our  breakfast  we  started  up  the  moun 
tain.  There  we  found  a  courier  who  came  out  from  Carter 
County,  who  said  that  the  Mitchell  County  people  were  there 
raiding  ;  sure  enough,  while  we  were  away  nearly  two  hundred 
men  raided  Carter  County.  When  we  returned  there  it  looked 
desolate  enough.  What  we  took  back  with  us  from  Johnson 
County  was  distributed  to  those  people  who  had  lost  by  the 
Mitchell  County  people. 

About  this  time  the  blockade  was  raised  and  we  decided  that 
we  would  move  on.  We  started  down  the  valley  and  came  to  a 
place  in  Bull  River  Cove.  We  were  then  without  food  for  some 
little  time,  as  we  were  getting  out  of  the  friendly  district  and 
among  our  enemies  again.  One  day  looking  into  the  wood  I 
saw  a  little  red  house,  and  while  watching  it  a  young  lady  came 
to  the  back  door  and  shook  the  crumbs  from  a  tablecloth.  That 
made  us  feel  so  ravenously  hungry  that  we  decided,  contrary  to 
our  custom,  to  go  to  the  house  and  see  if  we  could  get  some 
thing  to  eat.  I  went  around  to  the  back  door  and  the  young 


134  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

lady  came  to  the  door  and  invited  me  in.  When  I  got  into  the 
house  I  didn't  know  just  what  to  say.  I  looked  at  her  and  she 
at  me,  and  I  said  to  her  "  Have  you  seen  any  of  our  people  go 
by  this  morning  ?  "  She  said  "  What  people  ?  "  I  said  "  Rebels, 
of  course."  She  said  "  You  are  no  rebel.  If  you  had  been  you 
would  not  have  said  <  rebels '  but  '  Confederates.'  "  I  saw  that 
she  had  me.  So  I  said  "  I  am  not  a  rebel,  nor  a  Confederate, 
but  a  Yankee.  I  came  from  Maine  away  up  North.  I  came 
from  Portland."  "Why,"  she  said,  "I  have  been  in  Portland, 
Maine,  myself.  We  have  been  to  Canada  and  came  through 
Portland,  stopping  at  the  United  States  Hotel,"  and  she  told 
me  that  her  name  was  Lizzie  M—  — ,  that  her  father's  name  was 
William  M—  — ,  and  she  said  "  You  mustn't  go  further  this 
way.  Morgan's  raiders  have  just  gone  along  this  morning.  They 
are  a  desperate  set  of  men  and  should  they  see  you  they  will  cer 
tainly  kill  you."  Well,  having  gone  so  far  I  did  not  wish  to  be 
killed  just  then,  so  I  followed  her  advice.  She  called  a  colored 
boy  who  took  us  to  another  road,  going  in  another  direction,  but 
still  having  as  the  objective  point  Knoxville. 

We  had  a  great  many  minor  adventures  of  one  kind  and  an 
other,  until  finally  we  reached  the  Holston  River.  As  we 
approached  Knoxville  we  began  to  behave  half  decently.  Pre 
viously,  when  we  came  to  ferries  with  ropes,  we  had  cut 
them  after  going  across,  or  if  there  were  boats,  we  had  set  them 
adrift,  not  asking  permission  of  the  ferryman  to  use  the  ferry. 
But  this  time  we  thought,  as  we  were  near  Knoxville,  that  we 
would  be  friendly  and  awaken  the  man  and  get  him  to  set  us 
across.  I  went  to  the  house  and  knocked,  and  some  one  asked 
the  question  from  within,  "  Who  are  you,  and  what  do  you 
want  ? "  I  said  that  we  wanted  to  be  set  across  the  river,  that 
we  were  officers  of  the  Confederate  Army,  travelling  on  special 
duty,  and  that  we  wanted  to  get  across  the  river.  He  said,  "  I 
shall  not  set  you  across  until  you  tell  me  who  you  are."  So  I 
said  "  Come  down  and  I  will  tell  you.  So  he  came  down  with 
nothing  but  his  shirt  and  trousers  on,  and  as  soon  as  he 


MY    CAPTURE,    PRISON    LIFE   AND   ESCAPE  135 

opened  the  door  I  took  him.  All  I  wanted  was  the  key, 
and  fortunately  I  had  both  the  man  and  key  in  my  posses 
sion.  I  took  him,  or  rather  dragged  him,  down  to  where  the 
boat  was  moored,  and  told  him  if  he  refused  to  set  us  across, 
that  possibly  he  would  feel  sorry  for  it,  or  something  to 
that  effect,  and  he  concluded  that  he  would  do  so.  He  said, 
"  Get  into  the  boat  and  I  will  set  you  across  or  drown  you."  I 
said,  "  Go  ahead,  we  will  take  chances."  I  really  thought  the 
old  fellow  tried  to  drown  us,  but  he  did  not  quite  succeed.  At 
last  we  got  to  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  he  cursed  us  and 
left  us  there. 

We  started  for  Knoxville.  We  went  up  on  high  land  so  that 
we  could  see  the  country  around  Knoxville,  which  was  very 
broken.  After  going  up  one  range  of  hills  we  saw  what  we  sup 
posed  were  picket  fires  in  front  of  us.  We  had  been  told  that 
we  should  see  them.  Then  we  went  down  into  the  valley  and 
up  on  the  next  hill,  and  saw  the  fires  in  front  of  us,  but  nearer. 
The  third  time,  going  up  the  last  hill,  we  had  gotten  well  up  on 
the  height  but  could  not  see  any  fires  in  front  of  us.  Walpole 
said,  "  Where  in  the  name  of  Heaven  are  they  ?  I  can't  see 
them."  We  happened  to  look  around,  and  there  we  were  inside 
of  our  own  lines,  having  come  within  the  lines  without  any 
challenge,  and  at  last  we  stood  under  the  protection  of  our  dear 
flag. 

Walpole  said  "  Hello  !  "  and  the  men  all  sprang  on  their  feet. 
It  had  been  a  cold  night  and  I  didn't  blame  them  for  sitting 
around  the  fires.  The  challenge  came,  "  Halt !  Who  comes 
there  ? "  Walpole  said,  "  Friends,  without  the  countersign." 
"Advance  one."  Walpole  went  up,  and  as  soon  as  he  got 
within  speaking  distance  an  officer  said,  "  Are  you  aware  that 
you  are  going  out  into  the  enemy's  country  ?  "  Walpole  said, 
"  I  am  only  aware  that  we  are  on  our  way  to  Knoxville,  and  have 
just  arrived  from  the  enemy's  country,  and  come  through  your 
lines."  Of  course  the  officer  in  charge  was  very  much 
chagrined,  and  said  that  he  wished  we  would  not  say  anything 


136  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

to  General  Carter,  and  if  we  wouldn't  say  anything  that  he  would 
send  with  us  a  guide  into  town,  four  miles.  He  furnished  us  with 
horses  and  a  man  to  take  care  of  us.  We  entered  the  town  and 
were  taken  to  General  Carter,  Adjutant-General,  who  gave  us  a 
pass  into  the  hospital.  We  went  there,  and  tried  to  make  our 
selves  as  presentable  as  we  could,  considering  the  vermin  on  us. 
We  then  made  requisition  for  and  were  given  clean  clothes,  and 
got  into  bed  for  the  first  time  in  months,  and  slept  soundly.  I 
never  enjoyed  rest  more. 

As  soon  as  transportation  could  be  obtained  we  started  for 
Washington,  and  after  arrival  there  Colonel  Baker  took  me  be 
fore  President  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Stanton,  and  I  told  them  sub 
stantially  what  I  am  telling  here.  Of  course  there  were  some 
things  then  that  I  remembered  more  vividly.  Mr.  Lincoln  told 
me,  after  I  had  been  there  about  twenty-five  minutes,  "  I  want 
to  hear  more  about  this,  and  I  wish  you  would  come  to-morrow 
about  the  time  you  did  this  morning."  I  promised  to  do  so.  I 
spoke  of  the  many  deserters  I  had  seen  in  the  mountains,  and  of 
the  Loyal  League.  I  told  him  of  the  extreme  loyalty  of  those 
people  down  in  Carter  County  which  pleased  him  very  much. 

I  obtained  leave  of  absence  for  three  months,  and  after  a  time 
went  back  to  Petersburg.  I  was  married  before  going  back,  and 
I  can't  help  telling  this,  because  it  is  a  big  joke  on  me.  I  told 
my  young  wife  that  if  any  letters  should  come  to  Portland,  she 
could  open  them,  only  sending  such  to  me  as  were  necessary  for 
me  to  see  ;  or  that  she  might  destroy  the  letters  if  she  wished. 

When  we  were  in  Petersburg  we  did  not  have  letters  for  some 
little  time.  But  they  came  at  last  and  I  found  one  from  my 
wife.  Enclosed  in  this  letter  was  a  red  rose  pressed  carefully, 
and  another  letter.  My  wife  said,  "  I  send  you  a  letter  to-day 
from  one  who  says  her  name  is  'Lizzie  M  -  — .  I  can  hardly 
understand  how  you  could  become  so  well  acquainted  with  any 
one  in  your  travels  in  the  mountains  as  to  have  her  write  to  you 
such  a  letter  as  I  now  enclose." 

The  letter  enclosed  was  something  of  this  nature : 


MY    CAPTURE,    PRISON    LIFE    AND   ESCAPE  137 

"  LIMESTONE  COVE,  CARTER  Co.,  TENN. 
VERY  DKAR  FRIEND  :  — 

Many  are  the  thoughts  I  have  of  you  since  you  passed 

those  few  but  pleasant  moments  in  our  rustic  home  in  the  mountains  of  East 
Tennessee.  I  hope  ere  long  that  the  clouds  of  war  shall  have  rolled  away,  and  that 
peace  shall  be  restored  to  us;  but  above  all  things  I  hope  the  time  will  speedily 
come  when  you  will  return  to  me  to  fulfil  the  pledges  made  so  long  ago." 

I  want  to  tell  one  word  about  my  dear  old  friend  Grant. 
Fifteen  years  after  the  war,  I  was  one  morning  at  the  Ebbett 
House,  Washington,  talking  with  Whitney,  who  had  been  a 
comrade  with  us,  and  was  then  chief  of  the  bureau  of  statistics, 
and  he  said  to  me,  " Have  you  seen  Grant?"  I  said,  "What 
Grant  do  you  mean?"  "That  Grant  who  was  in  the  dungeon 
with  you."  "  No,  where  is  he  ?  "  "Why,  he  lives  here."  "  Does 
he  live  here  ?  Why  I  have  been  hunting  for  him  for  more  than 
ten  or  fifteen  years."  He  said,  "He  lives  at  228  A  Street, 
southeast.  Take  one  of  these  bob  cars  here,  and  go  along  until 
you  come  to  A  Street,  then  go  along  a  single  block  and  you  will 
find  him  there."  I  went  down.  It  was  Sunday  morning.  I  took 
my  card  from  my  pocket,  thinking  I  would  give  it  to  the  servant 
when  he  came  to  the  door,  but  changed  my  mind.  I  rang  the 
bell  and  when  the  servant  came  I  said,  "  Does  Colonel  Grant  live 
here  ? "  "Yes,  sir.  Will  you  come  in  ? "  I  walked  into  the  house 
and  sat  down.  There  was  a  portrait  of  the  captain  hanging  there 
that  looked  to  me  just  as  he  did  at  the  time  I  left  him,  and  of 
course  I  knew  I  was  at  the  right  place.  In  a  little  time  the 
door  opened  at  my  rear.  I  turned  around  and  saw  him  coming, 
and  walked  a  few  steps  to  meet  him.  I  said,  "Is  this  Colonel 
Grant  ?  "  He  said,  "  Yes,  sir."  I  said,  "  Colonel,  I  want  you  to 
pardon  me  for  calling  on  you  this  Sunday  morning.  I  want  to 
assure  you  that  I  am  not  a  book  agent,  but  am  a  committee 
from  the  Army  and  Navy  Gazette,  which  is  compiling  a  work  on 
personal  reminiscences  of  the  war.  I  have  been  told  that  you  had 
quite  an  experience,  and  I  want  you  to  contribute  to  this  work. 
It  will  be  bound  in  calf,  and  will  be  fifteen  dollars  a  volume. 
Every  one  who  contributes  must  send  his  photograph  so  that  it 


138  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

may  be  inserted."  The  colonel  said,  "Well,  I  did  have  experi 
ence  in  the  war,  quite  a  good  deal."  I  said,  "Of  course  you 
understand  that  this  is  to  be  a  personal  experience.  It  is  not 
to  relate  anything  concerning  a  battle,  bivouac,  or  march,  but 
something  that  happened  to  yourself."  He  said,  "Well,  I  was 
in  eight  different  rebel  prisons.  I  escaped  once,  travelled  three 
hundred  miles,  and  was  captured  and  taken  back.  At  another 
time  we  attempted  to  make  an  escape  while  we  were  at  Savan 
nah,  and  I  was  captured  there  and  put  in  a  dungeon,  and  there 
I  should  have  remained  if  it  hadn't  been  for  a  comrade  who 
happened  to  be  a  Mason.  By  reason  of  that  I  was  released,  and 
if  it  hadn't  been  for  that  I  should  not  be  here  this  morning 
probably.  Unfortunately  I  do  not  know  his  initials.  His  name 
was  Benson,  and  he  belonged  to  a  New  York  regiment.  Only 
a  little  while  ago  my  son,  seeing  a  new  name  —  that  of  Benson 
-  in  Ontario  County,  New  York  State,  wrote  to  see  if  that 
person  was  with  his  father  in  1864.  The  reply  was  that  the 
man  referred  to  was  only  twenty-five  years  old,  and  he  said,  '  It 
is  therefore  quite  impossible  for  me  to  have  been  with  your 
father  in  1864.' ' 

I  said  to  him,  "  I  am  very  sorry  indeed,  but  have  only  a 
little  time,  and  I  wish  you  would  come  down  and  dine  with  me 
at  the  Ebbett  to-morrow,  when  I  will  tell  you  more  fully  what 
my  plans  are."  He  said,  "  I  cannot,  because  I  have  an  engage 
ment  in  Baltimore,  and  shall  not  be  home  in  season,  but  if  you 
will  give  me  your  address  I  will  communicate  with  you." 

I  then  took  my  card  from  my  pocket,  and  handed  it  to  him. 
He  took  it,  fixed  his  glasses,  and  looked  at  it,  and  said,  "You 
are  not  Benson  ?  You  are  not  my  Benson  ?  "  I  said,  "  My 
name  is  Benson,  sir,  and  I  was  in  prison  with  Captain  Grant  of 
the  i Qth  Wisconsin  in  Savannah."  He  threw  the  glasses  and 
card  on  the  floor,  and  sprang  on  my  neck,  and  cried  like  a  child. 
Then  he  said,  "  Sit  down.  You  are  just  the  same  as  you  used 
to  be.  The  idea  of  your  coming  in  here  to  sell  me  that  damned 
old  book  !  " 


THE  OLD  ARMY  IN  KANSAS 


THE   OLD   ARMY   IN    KANSAS 

BY 

LIEUTENANT  COLONEL  SAMUEL  ADAMS    DRAKE,   U.  S.  V. 

IN  the  early  spring  of  the  year  1858  circumstances  took  me 
to  Fort  Leavenworth,  Kansas.  That  post  and  its  near  neigh, 
bor,  Leavenworth  City,  were  just  then  assuming  new  impor 
tance  on  account  of  the  forces  concentrating  there  for  the 
purpose  of  chastising  Brigham  Young  and  his  terrible  Danites, 
who  secure  in  their  mountain  fastnesses,  had  long  set  the 
authorities  of  these  United  States  at  defiance.  This  was  the 
so-called  "Mormon  War,"  which  began  with  a  tragedy  and 
ended  with  a  farce,  as  the  administration  relented  as  soon  as 
Brigham  gave  in  before  the  display  of  an  overwhelming  force 
marching  to  confront  him. 

After  four  years  of  constant  and  heated  political  agitation 
Kansas  was  at  last  cooling  off.  It  was  decreed  that  this  remote 
corner  of  the  Union  should  be  the  first  battle-ground  between 
North  and  South.  The  struggle  was  long  and  bitter.  You 
know  how  it  ended.  Victory  declared  for  the  North,  and  the 
South  here  met  her  first  defeat.  As  Abraham  Lincoln  said,  in 
his  memorable  Cooper  Institute  speech,  "  it  has  been  one  of  the 
relentless  maxims  of  history  that  might  makes  right,  but  I  say 
unto  you  that  right  makes  might,"  and  it  was  so  settled  in 
Kansas. 

At  the  time  I  am  speaking  of  there  were  no  railroads 
running  west  of  Jefferson  City,  the  state  capital  of  Missouri. 
It  is  instructive  to  let  one's  mind  dwell  a  moment  on  that  fact. 
Another  road  was  being  built  across  the  northern  counties  of 

141 


142  CIVIL    WAR    PAPERS 

the  state  from  Hannibal  to  St.  Joseph,  but  was  not  yet  com 
pleted.  The  Missouri  River  was  still  the  great  thoroughfare 
for  travellers  going  to  Kansas,  Nebraska  or  across  the  great 
plains  ;  and  great  it  was  in  every  sense  of  the  word,  for  in  a 
journey  of  seven  hundred  miles  we  were  seldom  out  of  sight 
of  the  smoke  of  some  steamboat  breasting  the  turbid  current  of 
the  "big  Muddy."  When  I  first  saw  it  in  the  pleasant  month 
of  May,  Kansas  looked  like  some  stray  corner  of  Paradise,  set 
apart  by  a  gracious  Providence  as  the  abode  of  peace  and  plenty 
rather  than  as  the  arena  for  the  strifes  and  rivalries  of  warring 
factions.  Indeed,  it  was  a  country  worth  fighting  for,  so  the 
cause  were  just,  as  all  who  have  ever  visited  it  will  testify  ;  and 
I  could  not  help  feeling  a  little  glow  of,  I  trust,  pardonable  pride, 
that  my  people  and  the  principles  they  stood  for,  had  wrested 
so  fair  a  heritage  from  the  curse  of  slavery.  My  first  glimpse 
of  Fort  Leavenworth  is  a  charming  memory.  There  was  a 
cluster  of  white  sunlit  buildings,  perched  upon  the  brow  of  a 
high  bluff  overlooking  the  turbid  Missouri,  like  some  feudal 
castle  of  the  Rhine  without  its  gloom  or  terrors. 

General  Percifer  F.  Smith,  who  was  to  command  the  Utah 
expedition,  had  just  died  and  was  succeeded  by  Harney,  the  old 
Indian  fighter.  I  was  frequently  at  the  General's  quarters 
where  Alfred  Pleasanton,  his  A.  A.  G.,  did  the  honors  most 
acceptably.  Pleasanton  was  then  a  natty  looking  young  fellow 
in  a  dragoon's  jacket.  Many  things  happened  between  that 
time  and  October,  1864,  when  by  one  of  those  queer  freaks 
of  fortune  the  credulous  are  inclined  to  call  special  providences, 
Pleasanton  turned  up  in  Kansas  again  just  in  the  nick  of  time 
to  save  the  state  from  Price's  last  and  greatest  effort  of  the 
war  in  that  section. 

Harney  himself  was  a  man  of  imposing  physique,  over  six  feet 
in  height,  perfectly  well  made,  and  though  getting  along  in  years, 
as  vigorous  and  erect  as  an  oak.  It  was  my  fancy  to  picture  him 
as  a  soldier  of  the  Suwarrow  or  Bliicher  type,  to  whom  the 
prospect  of  an  active  campaign  was  like  the  sound  of  the  trum- 


THE    OLD    ARMY    IN    KANSAS  143 

pet  to  an  old  warhorse,  after  the  dull  routine  of  camp  and  garri 
son.  For  those  questions  requiring  delicate  handling,  constantly 
arising  then  and  there  between  the  civil  and  military  authorities, 
no  man  could  have  been  worse  fitted  ;  and  for  the  whole  race 
of  politicians  he  had  the  professional  soldier's  undisguised  con 
tempt.  War  was  his  trade :  peace  his  aversion. 

There  were  giants  in  those  days.  What  has  become  of  the 
men  of  commanding  presence  for  which  the  old  army  was  so 
noted  and  so  notable — the  Scotts,  Harneys,  Sumners,  Morrisons, 
Mays  and  many  others  I  could  name  ?  Can  it  be  true,  as  the 
wise  men  tell  us,  that  the  race  is  steadily  degenerating,  and 
that  it  is  only  a  question  of  some  thousands  of  years  when  we 
shall  again  be  going  about  on  all  fours,  like  our  ancestors, 
according  to  the  late  Mr.  Darwin,  or  residing  in  dry-goods  boxes 
like  the  late  Mr.  Tom  Thumb  ?  Perish  the  thought  ! 

I  saw  these  troops  file  off  in  front  of  the  general's  quarters. 
Among  the  officers  assembled  there  to  see  them  march  was 
Colonel  Joe  Johnston-,  then  Deputy  Quartermaster  General,  and 
a  very  soldierly  looking  man  indeed  ;  with  beard  then  a  little 
grizzled  but  looking  to  be  in  his  prime.  I  knew  that  Johnston's 
abilities  were  held  in  high  esteem  in  the  old  army,  an  estimate 
fo  which  he  subsequently  proved  his  title  only  too  well.  There 
were  also  present  Colonel  Tompkins,  nephew  of  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent  of  the  same  name,  then  in  charge  of  the  Commissary 
Department,  a  little,  short,  red-faced  man  with  a  very  quick 
temper ;  Major  David  Hunter,  and  Captain  Van  Vliet,  the  Depot 
Quartermaster.  One  of  the  most  ludicrous  affairs  it  was  ever 
my  fortune  to  witness  was  a  court  of  inquiry  ordered  to  investi 
gate  Van  Vliet 's  conduct  in  refusing  to  accept  certain  mules 
brought  in  by  a  Missouri  contractor,  notwithstanding  this  con 
tractor  exhibited  an  order  from  Floyd,  then  Secretary  of  War, 
directing  that  the  animals  should  be  passed  in  a  lump. 

This  precious  contractor  was  no  other  than  Martin  Green, 
who,  when  the  war  came  on,  became  the  most  active  and  notori 
ous  of  all  the  guerillas  in  that  section,  and  that  is  only  giving 


144  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

him  his  due.  Behind  Martin,  was  his  brother,  James  S.  Green, 
a  United  States  Senator  and  the  right  hand  man  of  Mr. 
Buchanan  in  carrying  his  Kansas  policy  through  that  august 
body.  Martin  Green  drove  his  mules  to  Leavenworth,  they 
were  duly  inspected,  some  accepted,  others  rejected,  according 
as  they  were  found  fit  or  unfit  for  service.  Green  was  furious, 
but  Van  Vliet  was  firm.  The  Secretary  of  War  was  appealed 
to,  and  it  was  then  that  he  gave  the  order  which  no  officer  con 
sistently  with  honor  could  obey.  Hence  the  court  of  inquiry. 
Major  Thomas  W.  Sherman,  an  artillery  officer,  who  later  lost  a 
leg  at  Port  Hudson,  was  then  in  command  of  the  post.  He  was 
a  veteran  of  the  Mexican  War,  and  as  punctilious  in  upholding 
his  rights  as  could  well  be.  Sherman  was  named  a  member  of 
the  court,  and,  believing  himself  entitled  to  sit  as  its  president, 
resolved  to  do  so.  It  so  fell  out,  however,  that  Floyd  had  sent 
Major  Benny  Roberts  to  Leavenworth  for  that  very  purpose, 
probably  at  the  suggestion  of  Senator  Green,  and  for  reasons 
entirely  satisfactory  to  themselves.  Roberts  ranked  Sherman 
only  by  brevet.  When  the  court  met,  Sherman  attempted  to 
open  it,  but  was  at  once  interrupted  by  Roberts,  who  declared 
himself  the  only  person  authorized  to  act  as  president,  at  the 
same  time  producing  his  order.  "  Sit  down,  sir  !  "  commanded 
Sherman.  Roberts  then  attempted  to  read  his  order.  "  Con 
sider  yourself  in  arrest !  "  roared  Sherman.  "  Sir,  I  place  you 
in  arrest,"  Roberts  angrily  retorted.  By  this  time  the  members 
of  the  court,  witnesses  and  lookers  on  were  all  on  their  feet, 
talking  and  gesticulating  all  at  once,  and  the  sitting  broke  up  in 
confusion.  The  question  of  precedence  was  finally  settled  by 
reference  to  some  of  the  older  officers,  who  poured  oil  on  the 
troubled  waters,  and  the  inquiry  proceeded  with  Sherman  in 
the  chair.  For  reasons  best  known  in  Washington,  the  court 
was  dissolved  before  a  finding  was  reached.  Possibly  the  pro 
ceedings  may  be  found  in  some  pigeon-hole  of  the  War  Depart 
ment,  possibly  not. 

As    I   remember,   Senator   Green   acted  as   counsel  for  his 


THE    OLD    ARMY    IN    KANSAS  145 

brother  Martin  before  the  court.  His  frequent  allusions  to 
"  my  ill-used  brother"  were  exceedingly  pathetic,  though  not 
more  calculated  to  excite  the  sympathy  of  the  court,  than  the 
positively  villanous  countenance  of  his  near  relative,  when 
giving  his  testimony  about  "  them  thar  mules." 

In  dismissing  the  subject  I  will  mention  that  the  same 
Martin  Green  became  a  Confederate  brigadier  and  was  killed  at 
Vicksburg.  Some  time  during  the  war  I  met  the  ex-Senator  at 
Quincy,  111.  It  was  impossible  not  to  feel  shocked  at  the  evi 
dences  of  a  strong  intellect  almost  wholly  given  way  under 
habits  of  dissipation. 

While  strolling  through  the  streets  of  Leavenworth  one  day, 
my  eye  fell  upon  a  sign-board  nailed  up  at  the  entrance  to  a 
passage-way  with  an  inscription  like  this  : 

SHERMAN,    EWING    A-    McCOOK, 
ATTORNEYS    AT    LA\V. 

They  will  tell  you  out  there  that  Sherman,  whose  name 
appeared  as  the  senior  partner,  was  not  considered  a  bright  and 
shining  light  of  the  profession.  One  of  the  stock  anecdotes  of 
the  Kansas  bar  relates  that  Sherman  lost  his  first  case  in  a 
justice's  court  by  resting  his  plea  upon  a  statute  that  had  been 
a  long  time  repealed.  Report  says  that  Sherman  did  not  bear 
this  defeat  with  entire  equanimity.  However,  his  interpreta 
tions  of  martial  law,  particularly  to  the  Georgia  rebels,  were 
considered  remarkably  sound.  Sherman  and  Ewing,  be  it  said, 
were  doubly  brothers-in-law,  once  by  marriage  and  once  by  legal 
copartnership. 

Tom  Ewing,  as  he  was  familiarly  called,  was  one  of  the 
acknowledged  leaders  of  the  Free  State  party  in  Kansas,  which 
rewarded  him  with  the  highest  office  on  the  bench  of  the  new 
state.  He  resigned  to  take  command  of  a  regiment  raised  and 
officered  outside  of  the  executive  authority  of  the  state  by 
Senator  Lane.  Similar  action,  I  believe,  was  taken  here  in 


146  CIVIL  WAR    PAPERS 

Massachusetts.  It  certainly  did  not  tend  to  harmony  in  Kansas. 
Ewing  was  presently  promoted  to  brigadier.  Quantrell's  mur 
derous  raid  was  made  while  Ewing  commanded  on  the  Missouri 
border,  which  had  so  long  been  the  dark  and  bloody  ground  of 
Kansas  history,  serving  at  need  either  as  a  hiding  place  or  as  a 
rallying  point  for  the  Confederate  banditti.  E wing's  famous 
order  No.  1 1,  devastating  this  section,  was  one  of  those  vigorous 
•war  measures  justifiable  by  stern  necessity  alone.  It  was  ruth 
lessly  carried  out.  The  act  aroused  the  greatest  indignation  at 
the  South  as  was  to  be  expected,  and  was  not  forgotten  even 
when  the  war  was  over,  having  recoiled  upon  its  author's  head 
in  a  somewhat  unlooked  for  manner.  For  instance,  when 
Ewing,  who  had  been  the  Republican  chief  justice  of  Kansas, 
turned  Democrat  after  the  war,  and  was  expecting  the  nomina 
tion  for  Vice-President  on  the  democratic  ticket,  a  southern 
delegate,  Wade  Hampton,  I  think,  got  up  and  read  Ewing' s 
Order  No.  1 1  to  the  Convention.  The  effect  upon  a  body 
largely  composed  of  ex-Confederates  may  well  be  imagined. 

History  shows  us  some  strange  paradoxes.  The  regular 
army  was  freely  used  to  make  Kansas  a  slave  state.  This  was 
when  the  South  ruled.  Even  northern  officers  like  Sumner, 
Sedgwick,  and  Sackett  could  obey  the  order  to  disperse  a  Free 
State  legislature,  and  to  make  and  hold  as  prisoners  those  men 
whom  the  people  had  chosen  to  lead  them  out  of  the  wilderness 
of  political  anarchy.  This  generation  has  not  seen  what  we 
saw  in  Kansas,  men  going  up  to  cast  their  votes  through  files 
of  United  States  regiments  with  fixed  bayonets.  One  did  not 
hear  of  northern  officers'  resignations  because  "  my  state  "  was 
being  coerced  by  the  Federal  government.  These  officers  acted 
from  a  stern  sense  of  duty  ;  and  I  do  not  hesitate  also  to  add 
from  a  high  sense  of  honor,  even  when  duty  and  inclination 
often  pulled  in  different  directions.  But  when  it  came  to 
enforcing  the  national  authority  in  states  in  actual  rebellion, 
southern  states,  we  have  seen  what  happened.  In  which  school 
of  chivalry  will  we  choose  to  bring  up  our  children  ? 


THE    OLD    ARMY    IN    KANSAS  147 

Daniel  McCook,  junior  member  of  the  celebrated  law-firm, 
and  one  of  the  so-called  fighting  McCooks,  had  that  strong 
predilection  for  a  military'  life  which  seemed  to  run  in  the 
family.  He  obtained  a  captaincy  in  the  First  Kansas,  a  regiment 
that  fought  under  the  lamented  Lyon  at  Wilson's  Creek  with 
signal  bravery,  losing  a  third  of  the  whole  command  in  killed 
and  wounded.  McCook,  however,  was  not  in  this  battle,  he 
having  fallen  very  ill  before  his  regiment  marched.  At  this 
time  a  strange  presentiment  of  death  had  taken  strong  hold  of 
his  mind.  Indeed,  such  was  the  power  of  this  hallucination 
that  the  sick  man  predicted  the  very  day  and  hour  of  his 
decease.  He  lived,  however,  to  attain  the  rank  of  brigadier 
and  to  fall  gloriously  at  Kenesaw  Mountain  while  under  the 
command  of  his  old  law  partner,  Sherman.  Upon  joining  the 
army  McCook  dramatically  said  to  a  friend  that  he  would  either 
win  a  colonel's  epaulettes  or  a  soldier's  grave.  Poor,  fellow  !  he 
won  both. 

As  already  intimated,  when  the  rebellion  broke  out,  the 
western  posts  exhibited  a  most  sickening,  a  most  humiliating 
lack  of  fidelity  to  the  flag.  The  regular  troops  being  all  ordered 
in,  most  of  the  Southern  officers  took  French  leave  as  soon  as 
they  reached  the  Missouri  River,  not  even  waiting  for  their 
resignations  to  pass  through  the  regular  channels  or  taking  the 
trouble  to  report  to  the  commanding  officers  of  the  posts.  One, 
among  the  rest,  was  Pemberton,  of  Vicksburg  fame,  —  a  South 
ern  officer  born  in  Philadelphia.  Some  of  them  made  no  secret 
whatever  of  their  destination,  others  said  that  they  were  going 
"  home  ; "  and  there  was  much  small  talk  of  coercion,  and  of 
"my  state." 

While  the  rebel  element  was  very  buoyant  and  defiant,  even, 
I  believe,  in  calling  things  by  their  right  names,  those  officers 
who  remained  true  to  their  oaths,  on  the  contrary,  seemed  sunk 
in  despondency,  so  widespread  was  the  defection  around  them. 
It  certainly  seemed  in  those  dark  days  as  if  the  veteran  officers 
would  draw  their  swords  on  the  side  of  the  Union  with  reluctance 


148  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

if  not  with  chagrin.  In  fact  one  could  easily  count  on  the  fingers 
of  one  hand  about  all  the  outspoken  anti-slavery  men  among  the 
superior  officers  of  the  army.  One  of  the  few  whom  I  recall  as 
faithful  among  the  faithless,  for  his  country,  right  or  wrong, 
coiite  qui  cofite,  was  Jesse  Reno,  then  in  command  of  the 
Leavenworth  Arsenal.  There  was  no  half-way,  grudging  sup 
port  about  him.  Instead  of  making  an  issue  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
election,  he  practically  said  to  his  late  comrades  in  the  manner 
of  Dr.  Franklin's  retort  :  "  You  and  I  were  long  friends.  You 
are  now  my  enemy  and  I  am  yours."  There  were  presently  at 
least  three  Confederate  camps  forming  with  their  flags  floating 
in  full  view  of  the  fort  ;  and  as  it  had  been  left  without  a  com 
petent  garrison  to  defend  it,  it  was  easily  guessed  to  be  the 
object  of  these  hostile  demonstrations.  If  by  a  sudden  dash, 
the  rebels  had  possessed  themselves  of  the  large  military  stores 
there,  the  result  must  have  been  altogether  disastrous  to  the 
Union  cause  in  that  quarter.  By  his  patriotic  exertions  Reno 
procured  a  hundred  volunteers  from  the  neighboring  city,  put 
arms  into  their  hands,  and  thus  undoubtedly  saved  this  valuable 
warlike  material  from  falling  into  rebel  hands.  A  leading  spirit 
in  this  company  of  volunteers,  the  flower  of  the  young  men  of 
Leavenworth,  was  Powell  Clayton,  afterwards  Governor  of 
Arkansas  and  United  States  Senator  from  that  state.  Reno 
was  killed  at  South  Mountain  at  the  close  of  the  battle,  and 
when  he  passed  away  there  passed  as  gallant  a  spirit  as  ever 
animated  the  breast  of  a  true  patriot  and  tried  soldier. 

The  one  other  officer  whose  loyalty  stood  the  test  without 
flinching  was  Stewart  Van  Vliet,  later  McClellan's  chief  quarter 
master  in  Virginia,  where  his  broad,  good-natured  Dutch  fea 
tures  and  bushy  white  hair  were  doubtless  familiar  to  many  com 
panions.  Van  Vliet's  chief  clerk,  Benjamin  C.  Card,  I  may 
mention  as  having  afterward  entered  the  quartermaster's  de 
partment  of  the  regular  army.  One  other  officer  should  be 
added  to  this  list,  although  he  was  not  on  duty  in  Kansas  at  this 
particular  time.  This  was  General  Lyon.  Lyon  had  been  in 


OLD    ARMY    IN    KANSAS  149 

command  at  Fort  Riley,  Kansas,  where  he  was  known  to  us  as 
an  outspoken  Union  man.  He  even  wrote  a  series  of  letters 
favoring  Lincoln's  election  in  1860.  Soon  after,  he  was  put  in 
command  of  the  St.  Louis  Arsenal,  a  post  of  the  highest  re 
sponsibility  in  view  of  the  threatening  posture  of  affairs  in  Mis 
souri  at  this  time.  Lyon  was  an  inflexible  patriot  of  the  old 
Puritan  stamp.  He  was  a  grand-nephew  of  that  gallant  officer, 
Colonel  Knowlton,  who  fell  so  gloriously  at  Harlem  Plains  in 
1776,  after  defeating  the  vaunted  British  Light  Infantry.  In 
Francis  P.  Blair,  Lyon  found  a  kindred  spirit.  These  two  men, 
with  the  aid  of  Franz  Sigel,  saved  Missouri  in  the  hour  of  her 
extremest  peril,  while  Tecumseh  Sherman  remained  a  passive 
spectator  as  their  troops  marched  out  to  the  capture  of  Camp 
Jackson. 

During  the  period  immediately  preceding  the  breaking  out  of 
hostilities,  the  post  at  Leaven  worth  was  commanded  by  Major 
John  Bankhead  Magruder,  and  after  him  by  Colonel  Dixon  S. 
Miles  of  the  2d  U.  S.  Infantry. 

Magruder  delighted  in  military  display.  Every  now  and 
then  he  would  have  a  field  day  to  show  off  his  beloved  artillery 
to  some  specially  invited  guests.  Magruder  was  exceedingly 
vain,  was  a  great  ladies'  man,  and,  to  render  the  character  more 
perfect  still,  he  had  a  pronounced  lisp.  In  fact,  he  was  what 
young  fellows  would  call  a  "  dandy."  While  he  was  in  command 
of  the  post,  the  old  traditions  of  southern  hospitality  were  kept 
most  thoroughly  alive,  so  much  so  that  Magruder's  field  days 
usually  ended  with  what  he  called  a  collation,  the  table  being 
bountifully  spread  with  Old  Bourbon  and  with  little  else. 

J.  E.  B.  Stuart  was  another  familiar  figure  to  us  at  this  time. 
The  only  thing  I  can  now  call  to  mind  of  him  was  his  having  a 
favorite  horse  which  would  follow  him  about  like  a  dog,  when 
ever  he  dismounted.  Stuart  was  whiskered  to  the  eyes  like  a 
Cossack,  and  had  a  great  thick  head  of  hair  besides,  to  complete 
the  resemblance.  I  have  since  been  sorry  that  he  gave  no  occa 
sion  to  observe  him  more  closely. 


ISO  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

Colonel  Miles  was  a  soldier  of  the  old  school,  joining  by  his 
own  life  two  as  widely  distant  and  differing  periods  as  did  the 
old  flint-lock  and  percussion  muskets,  the  smooth-bore  and  the 
rifle.  He  was  punctilious,  pompous  and  quick-tempered,  blazing 
up  like  a  straw  fire  at  the  smallest  provocation.  Two  of  his 
captains  served  with  some  credit.  Frederick  Steele  became  a 
major-general,  Alfred  Sully,  son  of  the  celebrated  painter,  a 
brigadier.  To  see  captains  who  had  not  been  advanced  a  grade 
for  nearly  twenty  years  looking  forward  to,  yet  scarcely  daring 
to  hope  for,  further  promotion,  was  an  experience  confined  to  the 
regular  service,  I  think,  as  I  recall  no  volunteer  captains  of  that 
description.  No  wonder  these  poor  regulars  were  aghast  at  see 
ing  the  prodigality  with  which  commissions  were  bestowed  at 
the  beginning  of  the  war.  But  the  time  soon  came  when  these 
protectors  were  ordered  to  Washington,  to  their  great  rejoicing 
and  our  greater  sorrow,  leaving  us  to  sink  or  swim  as  best  we 
might.  I  saw  them  go  down  the  Missouri  in  great  spirits  at  the 
prospect  of  getting  into  a  fight.  It  came  sooner  than  they  ex 
pected.  At  Kansas  City,  which  was  then  a  rabid  'secession 
town,  their  boat  made  a  landing,  and  while  she  lay  at  the  levee 
the  regulars  became  the  target  for  the  vilest  abuse  that  the 
gathering  mob  could  shower  upon  them.  They  were  hooted  at, 
cursed  and  finally  dared  to  come  on  shore.  Though  boiling 
over  under  such  provocation,  the  officers  held  their  men  under 
strict  control.  Not  so  the  commander.  The  defiance  aroused 
all  his  pugnacious  spirit  in  a  moment.  Forgetting  his  sixty  odd 
years,  the  old  man  strode  quickly  down  the  gang  plank  alone, 
and  shaking  his  clenched  fist  in  the  faces  of  the  surging  and 
yelling  mob,  around  him,  dared  the  best  man  among  them  to 
come  out  and  fight  him  single-handed.  This  was  the  same 
Colonel  Miles  who  commanded  the  reserves  at  Bull  Run.  It  is 
needless  to  add  that  the  offer  was  not  accepted. 

The  withdrawal  of  these  troops  threw  Kansas  wholly  upon 
her  own  resources.  What  these  were  will  perhaps  best  appear 
from  a  rapid  resume  of  the  situation  at  that  time. 


THE  OLD  ARMY  IN  KANSAS  151 

Though  there  was  no  longer  a  valid  excuse  for  it,  as  Kansas 
had  fulfilled  all  the  legal  requirements  for  admission,  she  was 
designedly  kept  out  of  the  Union  until  January,  1861,  when  the 
cotton  states  seceded  in  a  body,  breathing  defiance  as  they  went. 
Everything  thus  conspired  to  make  the  entrance  of  this  new 
commonwealth  one  of  the  most  dramatic  in  our  history.  In 
very  truth,  the  stone  that  the  builders  rejected  was  become  the 
head  of  the  corner.  The  new  state  government  came  into  being 
without  money,  without  credit,  and  utterly  unprovided  with  mili 
tary  equipments  of  any  sort  whatsoever.  The  new  machinery 
was  starting  up  under  the  strain  of  previous  weakness  and  inex 
perience.  The  people  were  poor.  Trade  had  flourished  only 
spasmodically,  under  the  stress  of  political  agitation.  And  now 
at  the  very  moment  when  she  had  just  ridden  out  one  great 
storm  in  safety,  another  still  more  portentous  was  heard  thunder 
ing  all  along  the  line. 

Still,  there  was  no  faltering,  although  it  is  true  that  many 
weak-kneed  settlers  left  the  state  at  this  time.  About  every 
able-bodied  man  in  the  state  responded  to  the  call  of  the  gover 
nor.  From  all  sides  went  up  not  the  Macedonian  cry  of  "  Come 
over  and  help  us  "  but  of  "  Arms  !  Arms  !  Ye  Gods,  give  us 
arms  !  "  Of  course  every  man  had  his  own  rifle  or  his  own  pis 
tols,  but  the  state  had  not  yet  been  furnished  with  a  solitary 
United  States  musket,  nor  could  they  at  once  be  obtained  be 
cause  the  Honorable  Secretary  of  War  had  stripped  the  north 
ern  arsenals  for  the  benefit  of  the  states  in  rebellion.  The 
border  was  all  alive  with  rumors  of  invasion  ;  communication 
with  the  friendly  east  cut  off.  Rebel  flags  were  flaunting  in 
our  very  faces.  And  still  no  arms.  What  could  be  done  ? 

In  this  emergency  some  patriotic  citizens  were  sent  through 
hostile  territory  to  Chicago,  where  they  succeeded  in  buying  up 
rifles  enough  for  one  company,  had  them  packed  up  in  very  long 
boxes,  such  as  are  used  by  nursery-men,  and  marked  "  Trees," 
and  thus  disguised  they  safely  ran  the  blockade.  Shoots  from 
those  trees  were  not  in  great  demand  among  the  rebels. 


152  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

In  spite  of  all  sorts  of  discouragements,  met  at  the  very 
threshold  of  her  career  as  a  sovereign  state,  two  regiments  were 
quickly  raised,  equipped  and  hurried  off  into  the  field.  It  is  my 
impression  that  both  fought  at  Wilson's  Creek  with  the  old 
smooth-bore  muskets.  These  were  three-months'  men. 

In  the  beginning  of  our  military  organization  we  received 
material  assistance  from  Major  William  E.  Prince  of  the  ist  U.  S. 
Infantry,  who  succeeded  Miles  in  the  command  of  Fort  Leaven- 
worth.  He  was  I  believe,  a  brother  of  a  former  mayor  of 
Boston.  Prince  was  a  thorough  soldier  of  unswerving  patriot 
ism,  and  that  nice  sense  of  honor  which  so  distinguished  the  old 
army.  Senator  Lane  was  different.  Unfortunately,  the  war 
let  loose  a  horde  of  greedy  and  unscrupulous  men,  bent  on  get 
ting  control  of  all  government  patronage.  Fort  Leavenworth 
was  looked  upon  as  the  natural  spoil  of  the  dominant  political 
influences.  As  Prince  could  not  be  used,  he  was  summarily  got 
rid  of,  denied  the  promotion  to.  which  his  rank  and  long  service 
should  have  entitled  him,  and  finally  put  on  the  retired  list 
through  the  efforts  of  his  evil  genius,  Senator  James  H.  Lane. 

It  is  hard  to  realize  that  the  weak  little  territory,  which  I 
first  knew  in  1858,  with  its  ninety  odd  thousand  people,  is  a 
substantial  and  progressive  commonwealth  of  to-day,  with  a 
population  larger  than  that  of  the  three  New  England  states, 
Maine,  New  Hampshire  and  Rhode  Island  combined.  But  so  it 
is.  Child  of  New  England  ideas,  strong  in  her  faith,  unswerving 
in  her  purpose,  like  another  infant  Hercules,  she  strangled  the 
serpent  slavery  in  her  cradle  and  cast  it  forth,  a  despised  thing, 
to  be  a  hissing  and  a  by -word  for  all  time.  Was  not  this  some 
thing  worth  fighting  for  ? 


FOURTEEN  MONTHS'  SERVICE  WITH 
COLORED  TROOPS 


FOURTEEN   MONTHS'   SERVICE   WITH 
COLORED   TROOPS 

BY 
BREVET-LIEUTENANT  COLONEL  SOLON  A.  CARTER,  U.S.V. 

THE  object  of  the  present  paper  is  to  tell  in  simple  language, 
without  exaggeration  or  embellishment,  the  story  of  what  the 
Colored  Division  of  the  Eighteenth  Corps  did,  and  how  they  did 
it,  throwing  here  and  there  a  side  light  upon  previous  descrip 
tions  of  their  deeds  of  valor  and  heroism.  That  the  lights  are 
of  such  exceedingly  limited  power  must  be  attributed  to  the 
fault  of  the  instrument,  rather  than  lack  of  loyalty  to  the  mem 
ory  of  the  gallant  officers  and  brave  men,  living  and  dead,  whose 
acts  are  commemorated. 

Late  in  the  month  of  April,  1864,  Brigadier  General  Edward 
W.  Hincks,at  that  time  in  command  of  the  camp  for  rebel  pris 
oners  at  Point  Lookout,  Maryland,  was  summoned  to  Fortress 
Monroe  by  Major  General  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  commanding  the 
Department  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  for  consultation 
with  reference  to  the  campaign  soon  to  be  inaugurated.  As  the 
result  of  this  interview,  General  Hincks  returned  to  Point  Look 
out,  and  made  arrangements  for  the  transfer  of  his  command  to 
other  hands.  Within  forty-eight  hours  of  the  receipt  of  his 
verbal  instructions  from  General  Butler,  he  established  head 
quarters  at  Camp  Hamilton,  near  Fortress  Monroe,  and  upon 
the  same  day  that  his  formal  instructions  were  received  from 
department  head  quarters,  issued  the  following  order : 

"HEAD  QUARTERS  OF  DIVISION  AT  CAMP  HAMILTON,  VA. 
GENERAL  ORDER,  No.  i.  April  22nd,  1864. 

In  compliance  with  Par.  X.  S.  O.  No.  1 23,  dated  Head  Quarters  Department 
of  Va.  and  N.  C.  April  22nd,  1864,  the  undersigned  hereby  assumes  command  of 

155 


156  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

all  troops  at   Camp  Hamilton,  Va.      The   following  Division  Staff    Officers   are 
announced,  and  will  be  obeyed  and  respected  accordingly : 

Capt.  Solon  A.  Carter,  I4th  N.  H.  Vols.,  Act'g  Ass't  Adj't  Gen. 

Capt.  John  E.  White,  99th  N.  Y.  Vols.,  A.  A.  D.  C. 

Capt.  Thos.  L.  Livermore,  5th  N.  H.  Vols.,  A.  A.  D.  C.  &  A.  A.  Q.  M. 

-nd  Lieut.  Robert  N.  Verplanck,  6th  U.  S.  Col.  Troops,  A.  A.  D.  C. 

(signed)  EDW.  W.  HINCKS, 
Official,  Brig.  Gen.  U.  S.  Vols. 

(signed)  SOLON  A.  CARTER, 

Capt.  and  Act'g  Ass't  Adj't  Gen'l." 

The  troops  composing  the  new  command  consisted  of, 

Battery  B,  2nd  U.  S.  Colored  Light  Artillery,  Captain  F.  C.  Choate. 
ist  U.  S.  Colored  Cavalry,  Colonel  Jeptha  Garrard. 
2nd  U.  S.  Colored  Cavalry,  Colonel  George  W.  Cole. 

The  three  foregoing  organizations  had  been  recruited  at 
Camp  Hamilton  during  the  late  autumn  of  1863,  and  the  winter 
of  1863-4. 

ist  Regiment  U.  S.  Colored  Troops,  Colonel  John  H.  Holman  ;  (organized 
in  the  District  of  Columbia.) 

4th  Regiment  U.  S.  Colored  Troops,  Colonel  Samuel  A.  Duncan;  (organized 
at  Baltimore.) 

5th  Regiment  U.  S.  Colored  Troops,  Colonel  Conine,  subsequently  Colonel 
G.  W.  Shurtleff ;  (organized  at  Camp  Delaware,  Ohio.) 

6th  Regiment  U.  S.  Colored  Troops,  Colonel  John  W.  Ames;  (organized  at 
Camp  William  Perm,  Philadelphia.) 

loth  Regiment  U.  S.  Colored  Troops,  Colonel  Stafford,  subsequently  Colonel 
Elias  Wright ;  (organized  in  Virginia.) 

22nd  Regiment  U.  S.  Colored  Troops,  Colonel  Joseph  B.  Kiddoo ;  (organ 
ized  at  Philadelphia.) 

37th  Regiment  U.  S.  Colored  Troops,  Lieutenant  Colonel  A.  G.  Chamberlain, 
subsequenly  Colonel  Nathan  Goff ;  (organized  at  Norfolk,  Va.) 

The  36th  Regiment  U.  S.  Colored  Troops,  Colonel  Alonzo 
G.  Draper,  which  was  organized  at  Portsmouth,  Va.,  was  at  that 
time  on  duty  at  Point  Lookout,  Md.,  but  joined  the  division 
during  the  summer. 

The  ist  U.  S.  Colored  Cavalry  was  not  recognized  as  a  part 
of  the  division  after  breaking  camp  at  Camp  Hamilton,  never 


SERVICE    WITH    COLORED    TROOPS  157 

thereafter  reporting  to  division  head  quarters ;  but  the  2nd  U.  S. 
Colored  Cavalry  was  at  intervals  attached  to  the  division,  parti 
cipating  with  it  in  some  of  its  most  important  engagements,  and 
furnishing  a  goodly  number  of  capable  officers  for  staff  duty,  not 
only  to  the  division  to  which  it  was  attached,  but  to  other  com 
mands. 

The  organization  of  the  division  was  further  perfected  by 
the  formation  of  two  brigades,  the  ist,  loth,  2 2nd  and  37th 
Regiments  constituting  the  First  Brigade,  under  the  command 
of  Brigadier  General  E.  A.  Wild.  The  Second  Brigade  con 
sisted  of  the  4th,  5th  and  6th  Regiments,  under  the  command 
of  Colonel  Samuel  A.  Duncan. 

The  short  time  intervening  between  the  organization  of  the 
command  and  its  departure  from  Camp  Hamilton  to  become  a 
part  of  the  Army  of  the  James,  was  spent  in  drill,  in  which 
most  of  the  regiments  were  exceptionally  proficient ;  and  in  sup 
plying  it  with  the  necessary  clothing,  ammunition  and  equip 
ment  for  active  service  in  the  field. 

A  feature  of  the  formation  of  one  of  the  regiments  of  the 
command  (the  4th,  Colonel  Duncan),  is  perhaps  worthy  of  men 
tion,  not  in  disparagement  of  any  other,  but  because  it  was 
unique  and  had  several  advantages  to  recommend  it.  The  usual 
formation  of  an  infantry  regiment  was  by  placing  the  tallest  man 
in  each  company  on  the  right,  giving  the  regiment,  when  in  line, 
a  somewhat  jagged  appearance.  Colonel  Duncan  being  given  a 
thousand  men,  placed  the  tallest  in  the  color  company,  tapering 
gradually  to  the  wings.  By  this  arrangement,  his  command 
when  in  line,  especially  when  viewed  from  the  front,  gave  the 
spectator  the  impression  that  the  men  were  above  the  average 
height. 

This  formation  greatly  simplified  the  work  of  the  captains  in 
making  requisitions  for  clothing. 


158  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

ASCENT    OF    THE    JAMES. 

The  hour  was  at  hand  for  the  general  forward  movement  of 
all  the  armies  of  the  Union,  in  accordance  with  a  comprehensive 
plan. 

The  grand  old  battle-scarred  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  soon 
to  grapple  again  with  its  old-time  antagonist,  and  once  more  the 
battle  should  be  joined,  was  never  to  loose  its  grip  until  victory, 
complete  and  decisive,  should  crown  its  efforts. 

The  Army  of  the  James,  consisting  of  the  Eighteenth  and 
Tenth  Army  Corps,  under  the  command  of  Generals  William 
F.  Smith  and  Quincy  A.  Gillmore,  had  been  concentrated  at 
Yorktown,  Gloucester  Point,  and  Norfolk  (with  the  exception  of 
the  Third  Division  of  the  Eighteenth  Corps,  which  was  at  Camp 
Hamilton)  ready  to  embark  on  transports  when  the  movement 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  should  be  announced.  The  Rapi- 
dan  was  crossed  May  4th,  and  on  the  evening  of  that  day  the 
Army  of  the  James  embarked  upon  transports  and  dropped  an 
chor  in  Hampton  Roads. 

At  the  dawn  of  the  5th  of  May,  a  motley  fleet  of  upwards 
of  one  hundred  and  fifty  vessels  of  all  classes,  but  of  sufficient 
capacity  to  transport  an  army  of  more  than  thirty  thousand 
men,  with  their  ammunition,  camp  equipage,  commissary  stores, 
artillery  and  horses,  at  a  given  signal  weighed  anchor,  and  con 
voyed  by  the  naval  fleet,  bore  away  for  the  mouth  of  the  James. 

The  little  fleet  of  the  Naval  Brigade  of  the  Army  of  the 
James,  under  command  of  Brigadier-General  Charles  K.  Graham, 
had  preceded  the  movement,  destroying  the  enemy's  signal 
stations. 

The  transport  fleet  as  far  as  practicable  was  grouped  in  bri 
gade  and  division  formation,  but  such  formation  was  not  wholly 
.maintained,  owing  to  the  varying  speed  of  the  vessels. 

It  was  an  inspiring  sight,  and  never  to  be  forgotten  by  one 
who  was  privileged  to  witness  it,  and  consider  himself  a  unit 
in  the  magnificent  pageant. 


SERVICE    WITH    COLORED    TROOPS  159 

The  sky  was  clear,  the  air  balmy,  and  the  banks  of  the 
stream  were  clothed  with  the  luxuriant  verdure  of  the  rapidly 
advancing  season.  As  each  bend  in  the  river  disclosed  a  new 
vista,  surpassing  the  former  in  beauty,  the  beholders  forgot  for 
the  moment  the  scenes  of  carnage  to  which  they  were  surely 
moving  forward. 

It  was  surprising  that  the  onward  movement  of  the  fleet  was 
not  obstructed,  as  there  were  several  points  upon  the  river  banks 
where  artillery  would  have  seriously  delayed  its  progress. 

Evidently  the  enemy  had  been  taken  by  surprise  ;  the  auda 
city  of  the  movement  was  our  greatest  security. 

What  of  the  Third  Division  ?  They  occupied  a  peculiar 
position.  For  the  first  time,  in  Virginia  at  least,  they  were  to  be 
put  to  the  supreme  test.  At  Port  Hudson  and  Wagner,  indeed, 
they  had  given  proof  of  their  capacity,  and  their  deeds  had  been 
published  to  the  country,  but  there  was  an  unmistakable  feeling  of 
distrust  in  the  minds  of  many,  soldiers  and  civilians  as  well,  and 
a  fear  amounting  to  conviction,  that  they  would  flinch  in  an 
emergency. 

These  sentiments  were  not  shared  by  the  officers  in  immedi 
ate  command  of  the  colored  troops,  and  they  waited  with  im 
patience  for  an  opportunity  of  demonstrating  their  steadiness 
and  courage. 

Forty  miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  nearly  twenty 
miles  below  City  Point,  at  Wilson's  Wharf,  afterwards  known 
as  Fort  Pocahontas,  the  first  detachment  was  landed,  consisting 
of  the  ist,  22nd,  and  3/th  Regiments,  U.  S.  Colored  Troops, 
and  Captain  Choate's  battery.  General  Wild  was  in  command. 
Intrenchments  were  thrown  up,  and  preparations  made  for  a 
vigorous  defence  of  the  position,  which  commanded  the  river 
at  that  point. 

Seven  miles  above,  at  Fort  Powhattan,  the  remaining  regi 
ment  of  General  Wild's  brigade  (the  loth)  was  landed,  and  a 
few  days  later,  as  the  importance  of  the  position  became 
apparent,  the  22nd  Regiment  was  transferred  from  Wilson's 


l6o  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

Wharf  to  Powhattan,  Colonel  Kiddoo  assuming  command  of  the 
post. 

At  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  on  May  5th,  the  little 
steamer  upon  which  were  General  Hincks  and  staff  and  a 
small  provost  guard,  made  fast  to  the  partially  destroyed  wharf 
at  City  Point,  encountering  no  opposition  from  a  detachment  of 
the  8th  North  Carolina  Confederate  regiment  stationed  there. 

Head  quarters  were  quickly  transferred  from  the  steamer  to 
to  Dr.  Eppes'  cottage,  on  the  bluff  (subsequently  occupied  by 
General  Grant  as  army  head  quarters  from  the  middle  of  June 
until  the  surrender  of  Lee's  army). 

Colonel  Duncan's  brigade  was  quickly  landed,  and  dis 
positions  made  to  intrench  and  hold  the  position  so  easily 
acquired. 

A  few  days  later  the  4th  and  6th  Regiments  of  Duncan's 
brigade  moved  out  six  or  seven  miles  towards  Petersburg,  and 
constructed  a  strong  redoubt  at  Spring  Hill,  on  the  right  bank 
of  the  Appomattox,  a  position  which,  if  controlled  by  the  enemy, 
would  have  commanded  the  left  of  the  line  on  the  Bermuda 
front.  The  5th  Massachusetts  Cavalry  (colored),  Colonel 
H.  S.  Russell,  and  a  battalion  of  the  4th  Massachusetts  Cavalry, 
Colonel  Arnold  A.  Rand,  relieved  Colonel  Duncan's  brigade  in 
the  intrenchments  at  City  Point. 

This  post,  in  the  spring  of  1 864,  was  the  point  at  which  the 
exchange  of  prisoners  of  war  was  effected  ;  Major  Mulford  and 
Robert  Ould  being  the  Federal  and  Confederate  commissioners, 
respectively. 

The  Colored  Division  was  in  the  enemy's  country,  but  scat 
tered  from  Spring  Hill,  on  the  Appomattox,  to  Wilson's  Wharf, 
on  the  James,  a  distance  of  twenty-five  miles. 

The  enemy  made  an  occasional  reconnoissance  from  Peters 
burg  toward  the  work  at  Spring  Hill  and  also  towards  our 
position  at  City  Point  ;  but  no  formidable  demonstration  was 
attempted  upon  either. 

The  position  of  General   Wild's  brigade  was  an  important 


SERVICE    WITH    COLORED    TROOPS  161 

one,  commanding  the  river  for  a  considerable  distance,  and  was 
coveted  by  the  Confederates. 

On  the  24th  of  May,  General  Fitz  Hugh  Lee,  with  a  con 
siderable  force  of  cavalry,  appeared  before  the  works,  and  after 
a  sharp  skirmish  drove  our  pickets  inside  the  intrenchments. 

He  then  sent  to  General  Wild  a  formal  summons  to  sur 
render,  promising  that  both  officers  and  men  should  be  treated  as 
prisoners  of  war,  adding  that  in  the  event  of  a  failure  to  comply 
with  his  demand,  he  would  immediately  assault,  in  which  event 
he  would  not  be  responsible  for  the  consequences.  The  inter 
pretation  of  this  threat  was  that  colored  soldiers  taken  as 
prisoners  should  be  returned  to  their  former  masters,  and  their 
officers  be  delivered  to  the  state  authorities  to  be  dealt  with  for 
inciting  insurrection. 

General  Wild's  reply  to  Lee's  demand  was  that  he  was  ready 
to  try  conclusions  with  him. 

Lee  dismounted  his  troopers,  and  at  half  past  twelve  o'clock 
made  a  furious  attack  upon  the  works.  The  colored  soldiers 
withheld  their  fire  until  the  assailants  were  entangled  in  the 
abattis,  when  it  was  delivered  with  murderous  effect.  The 
enemy  recoiled  and  sought  shelter  ;  a  second  and  third  time 
they  renewed  the  attack,  and  were  as  often  repulsed.  After  five 
hours  of  fruitless  effort,  they  withdrew,  chagrined  and  disgusted, 
leaving  their  dead  upon  the  field. 

General  Wild  reported  twenty-four  of  the  enemy  killed,  in 
cluding  one  major  and  a  captain,  and  ten  prisoners  ;  also 
that  the  enemy  had  opportunity  to  remove  their  dead  and 
wounded  from  all  parts  of  the  field,  except  the  abattis.  His 
own  losses  were  two  killed,  nineteen  wounded,  and  one  missing. 

The  results  of  this  first  encounter  were  highly  gratifying, 
demonstrating  that  the  colored  troops  possessed  nerve  and  cour 
age.  Their  critics  were  compelled  to  admit  they  had  shown 
good  qualities  behind  breastworks,  but  were  still  sceptical  as  to 
their  ability  to  assault  them. 

Preparations  were  completed  for  an  advance  in  force  upon 


162  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

Petersburg  on  the  2Oth  of  May,  but  the  movement  was  aban 
doned,  owing  to  the  withdrawal  of  sixteen  thousand  troops  from 
the  Bermuda  front  under  General  W.  F.  Smith,  to  reinforce  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  at  Cold  Harbor. 

It  was  believed  by  General  Butler  that  the  defences  of 
Petersburg  had  been  weakened  by  the  withdrawal  of  troops  to 
send  to  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  and  he  planned  to  send 
General  Hincks  to  attempt  the  capture  of  the  city,  with  reason 
able  expectations  of  success. 

General  Gillmore,  learning  of  the  contemplated  movement, 
expressed  a  desire  to  command  it,  and  his  request  was  acceded 
to. 

On  the  ninth  of  June  the  demonstration  was  made  with  a 
column  of  sixty-five  hundred  infantry  and  artillery  under  the 
command  of  General  Gillmore,  besides  a  body  of  cavalry,  number 
ing  thirteen  hundred,  under  the  command  of  General  A.  V. 
Kautz.  Of  the  infantry  comprising  General  Gillmore' s  force 
the  Third  Division  contributed  three  regiments,  about  nineteen 
hundred  men,  with  General  Hincks  in  command. 

The  troops  from  the  Bermuda  front  had  crossed  the  pontoon 
bridge  at  Broadway  landing,  by  half  past  three  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  where  they  were  joined  by  General  Hincks.  At  five 
o'clock  the  column  was  in  motion,  the  cavalry  in  advance,  closely 
followed  by  the  colored  troops. 

The  route  of  the  cavalry  was  southerly,  crossing  the  City 
Point,  Jordan's  Point,  Prince  George  and  Norfolk  and  Peters 
burg  roads  (a  detour  of  nearly  twenty  miles),  to  the  Jerusalem 
plank  road,  striking  the  latter  at  a  point  about  four  miles  from 
the  enemy's  intrenched  line. 

At  seven  o'clock  the  colored  troops  encountered  the  Confed 
erate  pickets  at  Bailey's  Creek,  on  the  Jordan's  Point  road,  and 
drove  them  within  their  works  on  that  front. 

General  Hincks  took  a  position  near  the  Ruffin  house,  with 
skirmishers  advanced  to  the  crest  from  which  could  be  obtained 
a  view  of  the  enemy's  line  of  works. 


SERVICE    WITH    COLORED    TROOPS  163 

It  was  now  ten  o'clock.  Two  hours  later  the  three  regi 
ments  of  colored  troops  were  withdrawn  a  short  distance,  and  at 
one  o'clock  by  order  of  General  Gillmore  fell  back  to  Bryant's 
house  and  by  a  subsequent  order,  at  two  P.M.  General  Hincks' 
command  rejoined  General  Gillmore' s  column  at  Baylor's  farm. 

Meanwhile  General  Kautz  had  moved  up  the  Jerusalem  plank 
road,  gone  within  the  enemy's  works,  destroyed  their  camps, 
and  captured  forty-two  prisoners  ;  but  hearing  nothing  from  the 
infantry,  had  withdrawn  by  the  same  route  by  which  he  had 
advanced,  without  encountering  opposition. 

Nightfall  found  all  the  troops  participating  in  this  reconnois- 
sance  back  in  their  camps,  wondering  what  the  day's  work  had 
amounted  to. 

The  movements  of  the  Colored  Division  on  the  fifteenth  of 
June  were  in  some  respects  a  repetition  of  those  of  the  Qth, 
but  executed  under  changed  conditions,  and  with  better,  if  not 
entirely  satisfactory  results. 

The  strength  of  the  division  was  increased,  the  ist  Regi 
ment  having  joined  from  Wilson's  Wharf,  constituting  with  the 
5th  Massachusetts  Cavalry  dismounted,  a  brigade  under  com 
mand  of  Colonel  Holman,  and  the  22nd  Regiment  had  been 
brought  up  from  Powhattan  and  assigned  to  Colonel  Duncan's 
brigade. 

It  was  understood  that  this  time  there  would  be  no  turning 
back  ;  accordingly  the  comfortable  head  quarters  which  we  had 
occupied  since  the  fifth  of  May  were  abandoned,  and  all  neces 
sary  preparations  made  to  take  the  field  and  fulfil  our  part  in 
the  general  plan  of  the  campaign. 

Our  route  brought  the  division  substantially  to  the  point 
reached  on  the  ninth.  General  Smith  returned  on  the  evening 
of  the  fourteenth  with  the  column  he  had  commanded  at  Cold 
Harbor,  disembarking  from  transports  near  Broadway  landing, 
but  on  the  Bermuda  side. 

At  an  early  hour  on  the  fifteenth,  his  two  divisions,  com 
manded  by  Generals  Brooks  and  Martindale,  crossed  on  the 


1 64  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

pontoon  bridge,  and  preceded  by  General  Kautz's  cavalry  and  the 
Colored  Division  (the  latter  being  now  a  part  of  General  Smith's 
command)  moved  in  the  direction  of  the  Petersburg  intrench- 
ments.  The  cavalry  encountered  the  pickets  of  the  enemy  on 
the  City  Point  road,  and  soon  discovered  a  considerable  force 
with  two  pieces  of  artillery  in  position,  protected  by  an  earth 
work  which  had  been  erected  since  our  former  visit,  contesting 
its  advance. 

General  Kautz  moved  to  the  left  without  engaging  this  force, 
leaving  the  3rd  (of  the  Colored  Division)  to  dislodge  them. 
The  field  work  referred  to  was  on  Baylor's  farm,  in  an  open  field, 
and  commanded  the  City  Point  road.  It  was  hidden  from  view 
by  a  strip  of  timber  perhaps  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  in 
width,  with  a  dense  undergrowth  which  separated  the  open 
ground  in  which  it  stood  from  another  open  field,  over  which  the 
Colored  Division  must  advance.  The  City  Point  road  led 
through  this  timber. 

Dispositions  were  quickly  made  for  the  attack,  Duncan's 
brigade  being  formed  in  two  lines,  the  4th  and  6th  Regiments  on 
the  right  of  the  road,  and  the  22nd  and  5th  on  the  left,  the  4th 
and  22nd  Regiments  being  in  the  front  line.  Holman's  brigade 
was  still  further  to  the  left. 

Skirmishers  were  thrown  forward  and  the  line  of  battle  ad 
vanced  across  the  open  field  in  splendid  style,  though  the  enemy's 
artillery  had  perfect  range  and  their  practice  was  good. 

There  was  no  giving  way  on  any  part  of  the  line,  although 
progress  through  the  wood  was  slow,  owing  to  the  tangled 
undergrowth  through  which  they  were  obliged  to  force  their 
way. 

Emerging  from  the  timber,  the  line  charged  with  a  rush,  the 
enemy  retreating  before  the  furious  onset,  leaving  one  of  their 
guns  in  possession  of  the  22nd  Regiment. 

General  Hincks  and  staff  closely  followed  the  line  of  battle 
moving  on  the  road,  and  upon  reaching  the  work  just  captured^ 
found  a  group  of  colored  soldiers  indulging  in  extravagant 


SERVICE    WITH    COLORED    TROOPS  165 

demonstrations  of  delight  at  their  victory,  one  sable  son  of 
Mars  being  astride  the  captured  gun  as  if  it  were  a  hobby  horse, 
and  disclosing  a  wide  expanse  of  ivory. 

Addressing  him  the  general  inquired,  "  What  has  become  of 
the  Johnnies  ? " 

"Well,  sah,  dey  jes'  done  lit  out ;  didn't  car'  to  make  close 
'quaintance.  Reckon  dey  must  ha'  smelled  us." 

The  column  was  quickly  reformed  and  moving  to  the  left, 
soon  reached  the  Jordan's  Point  road,  on  which  the  division 
advanced. 

General  Brooks  and  Martindale  moved  on  the  City  Point  and 
river  roads,  later  going  into  position  in  front  of  the  works  on  the 
enemy's  left.  It  was  now  nine  o'clock.  Reaching  the  Jordan's 
Point  road  at  a  point  nearly  two  miles  from  the  intrenchments,  a 
company  of  colored  cavalry,  from  Colonel  Coles'  regiment,  com 
manded  by  Captain  Robert  Dollard,  accompanied  by  Captain 
Livermore  of  the  division  staff,  was  placed  in  advance,  and 
forced  back  the  enemy's  skirmishers.  At  a  favorable  point  this 
company  dashed  up  the  road,  through  the  enemy's  skirmish  line, 
and  deploying  to  the  right  and  left,  cut  out  from  under  their 
guns  and  brought  to  the  rear  a  number  of  prisoners,  about  equal 
in  number  to  their  own  strength. 

The  division  was  in  position  in  front  of  the  enemy's  works 
on  that  part  of  the  line  soon  after  one  o'clock  P.  M.,  with 
skirmishers  advanced  beyond  the  crest  overlooking  the  enemy's 
position,  the  line  of  battle  slightly  in  the  rear  of  the  highest 
point  intervening,  and  but  slightly  protected  by  it,  from  the  fire 
of  the  batteries  in  our  front  and  flanks. 

Generals  Martindale  and  Brooks  had  meanwhile  taken  their 
positions  so  that  the  line  was  in  the  following  order  :  General 
Martindale  on  the  right,  General  Brooks  in  the  centre,  and  Gen 
eral  Hincks  on  the  left ;  General  Kautz  operating  independently 
still  farther  to  the  left. 

The  Petersburg  defences  consisted  of  a  line  encircling  the 
city  and  a  distance  about  two  miles  from  it,  of  strong  redans  or 


l66  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

batteries  connected  by  infantry  parapets  with  high  profiles,  and 
all  with  ditches.  The  line  commencing  at  the  Appomattox 
river  on  the  north  of  the  city,  extended  nearly  a  mile  in  an 
easterly  direction,  thence  southerly,  considerably  beyond  the 
position  of  the  Colored  Division,  and  thence  around  to  the 
river,  on  the  other  side  of  the  city.  The  length  of  the  entire 
line  was  upwards  of  seven  miles.  The  redans  were  numbered 
from  our  right  consecutively,  battery  five  forming  the  salient, 
and  commanded  the  approaches  on  both  northern  and  eastern 
fronts. 

The  right  of  the  line  of  the  Colored  Division  was  nearly 
opposite  battery  six,  and  connected  with  the  I3th  New  Hamp 
shire  which  formed  the  left  of  General  Brooks'  division,  and 
overlapped  battery  five. 

The  connection  with  General  Brooks'  division  was  not  abso 
lutely  perfect,  a  swamp  intervening,  but  the  gap  was  inconsider 
able. 

For  five  hours  the  command  remained  in  this  exposed  posi 
tion,  swept  by,  at  least,  four  of  the  enemy's  batteries,  momenta 
rily  expecting  the  signal  to  attack,  and  under  orders  to  be  ready 
for  instant  response. 

There  they  remained  throughout  the  afternoon,  hostile  shot 
and  shell  doing  their  deadly  work  until  the  list  of  casualties  was 
formidable,  the  oppressive  heat  adding  to  their  discomfort,  and 
they  were  unable  to  strike  a  blow  in  return.  It  was  indeed  a 
severe  test  for  inexperienced  troops. 

At  half-past  six  the  long  expected  summons  came,  the  skir 
mish  line,  which  had  previously  been  doubled,  was  ordered  to 
assault  along  the  whole  front.  The  line  moved  forward  promptly 
and  steadily  across  the  intervening  space,  in  the  face  of  a  galling 
artillery  and  musketry  fire  from  the  parapets ;  up  the  slope 
which  was  surmounted  by  the  enemy's  fortifications,  over  the 
parapet,  inside  the  works,  capturing  all  the  guns  in  position  and 
many  prisoners,  although  many  of  the  Confederates  retreated  in 
confusion  toward  what  they  must  have  considered  the  doomed 


SERVICE    WITH    COLORED    TROOPS  167 

city.  The  main  line  then  advanced  and  occupied  the  captured 
line  of  works. 

The  charge  was  simultaneous  on  the  part  of  the  Colored 
Division  and  the  division  under  command  of  General  Brooks, 
and  resulted  in  the  capture  of  the  entire  line  as  far  to  the  left 
as  battery  number  ten,  which  was  situated  at  the  point  where 
the  Jordan's  Point  road  entered  the  line.  There  was  at  that 
time  no  obstruction  between  us  and  Petersburg. 

The  Third  Division  claimed  for  its  share,  the  line  from  bat 
tery  number  seven  to  battery  number  ten,  both  inclusive,  and 
immediately  after  the  occupation  of  the  line,  a  regiment  moved 
to  the  left  inside  the  Confederate  line,  and  occupied  battery 
eleven  also,  which  was  near  the  Dunn  house. 

The  claim  has  been  advanced  by  at  least  two  eminent 
authorities,  General  Grant,  in  his  memoirs,  and  General  Butler, 
that  it  was  the  colored  troops  that  captured  the  entire  line. 
The  claim  is  not  justified  by  the  facts.  The  left  of  General 
Brooks'  division,  or  the  1 3th  New  Hampshire,  captured  battery 
five  and  the  line  to  and  including  battery  six  ;  and  those  works 
were  the  spoils  of  General  Brooks'  division. 

The  casualties  of  the  Colored  Division,  including  the  affair 
of  the  morning,  at  Baylor's  farm,  were  five  hundred  and  seven 
killed  and  wounded,  among  the  latter  being  Colonel  Russell  of 
the  5th  Massachusetts  Cavalry  (temporarily  attached  to  the 
division)  and  Lieut.  Colonel  Goff  of  the  22nd  U.  S.  Colored 
Troops.  (Colonel  Goff  returned  to  duty  in  November  as  colonel 
of  the  s/th  U.  S.  C.  T.) 

No  attempt  was  made  to  press  the  advantage  secured  that 
night,  and  the  colored  troops  which  had  sustained  themselves 
so  well  throughout  the  day  (receiving  commendation  for  their 
gallantry,  in  general  orders  from  General  Smith),  were  not 
allowed  to  occupy  the  line  they  had  won,  but  were  withdrawn, 
being  relieved  by  the  Second  Corps  which  had  come  up  late  in 
the  afternoon  or  early  evening. 

It  was  a  victory  for  which   the  active  participants   and  the 


168  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

country  were  grateful ;  but  in  view  of  the  conditions  then  exist 
ing,  the  numbers  and  character  of  the  forces  opposing,  the 
absence  of  Lee's  Army,  and  the  proximity  of  the  veterans  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  it  is  a  pertinent  question  whether  it 
might  not  have  been  still  more  decisive  and  far  reaching  in  its 
results. 

Let  the  question  be  answered  in  the  Yankee  fashion,  by 
asking  others,  ist.  Would  the  defence  of  the  Confederates 
have  been  more  stubborn  at  two  o'clock  than  at  half  past  six, 
when  they  must  have  been  emboldened  by  the  apparent  timidity 
of  their  assailants  during  the  the  whole  afternoon  ?  2nd.  Would 
the  assault  have  been  less  vigorous  and  determined  at  two 
o'clock,  when  the  colored  troops,  at  least,  were  elated  at  their 
success  of  the  morning,  than  at  sunset,  after  having  been  sub 
jected  to  the  demoralizing  influences  of  the  afternoon's  exposure  ? 

Candid  answers  to  these  questions  will  suggest  the  answer 
to  the  former,  and  compel  the  admission  that  the  same  qualities 
of  leadership  which  were  displayed  in  such  a  marked  degree  in 
the  campaign  resulting  in  the  surrender  of  Lee's  Army  at  Ap- 
pomattox,  if  exercised  on  that  day,  would  have  given  the  Army 
of  the  James  possession  of  Petersburg,  and  greatly  simplified 
subsequent  operations. 

The  Army  alas,  possessed  but  one  Phil  Sheridan ! 

The  division  was  assigned  a  place  on  the  right  of  the  line 
during  the  earlier  stages  of  the  siege  and  division  head  quarters 
were  established  on  the  right,  near  the  City  Point  road. 

A  battalion  of  sharp-shooters  was  organized  by  a  detail  of 
two  hundred  picked  men  from  the  command,  suitably  officered, 
which  furnished  a  provost  and  head  quarters  guard. 

While  occupying  this  position  an  order  was  promulgated, 
requiring  public  religious  services  at  division  head  quarters  on 
Sundays.  Pursuant  to  the  order,  a  colored  chaplain  was  de 
tailed  to  conduct  the  service  the  following  Sunday,  and  as  the 
fact  became  known  there  was  a  large  congregation,  including 
many  representatives  from  neighboring  head  quarters. 


SERVICE    WITH    COLORED    TROOPS  169 

The  vService  was  unique  ;  the  singing  by  the  congregation 
hearty,  as  usual ;  the  officiating  clergyman  read  the  Scripture 
lesson  appreciatively,  and  prayed  with  fervor ;  but  he  was  visibly 
embarrassed  by  the  large  audience,  and  his  extemporaneous  dis 
course  was  a  decided  failure,  closing  as  follows :  "  Ma  deah 
fren's,  I  hopes  you  will  all  'scuse  dis  er  —  er  somewhat  in-co-he- 
rent  discose.  To  tell  de  tru  hones'  truf,  de  peculiar  circum 
stances  ob  de  occasion  have  made  it  jes  impossible  for  me  to 
ventilate  myself  as  I  could  wish." 

About  the  first  of  July,  General  Hincks,  still  suffering  from 
wounds  received  at  Antietam,  intensified  by  a  fall  from  his 
horse  during  the  engagement  of  June  1 5th,  was  advised  by  com 
petent  medical  authority  that  it  would  be  unwise  for  him  to 
endure  the  exposure  incident  to  active  service  in  the  field. 

He  reluctantly  relinquished  his  command,  greatly  to  the 
regret  of  his  superior,  as  well  as  his  subordinate  officers. 

July  3Oth,  upon  the  occasion  of  firing  the  mine  on  General 
Burnside's  front,  the  division,  being  temporarily  under  the  com 
mand  of  General  James  B.  Carr,  was  assigned  and  occupied  a 
position  on  the  Ninth  Corps  front,  but  was  not  actively  engaged. 

In  August,  Brigadier  General  Charles  J.  Paine  was  assigned 
to  the  command  ;  the  detachments  from  Wilson's  Wharf  and 
Fort  Powhattan  were  brought  to  the  front,  and  the  36th  Regi 
ment  joined  the  division  from  Point  Lookout. 

Under  General  Paine' s  watchful  eye  and  careful  attention  to 
all  the  little  details,  especially  to  the  personel  of  the  division, 
and  the  capacity  of  his  brigade  and  regimental  commanders,  the 
command  attained  a  high  degree  of  efficiency. 

In  September  the  division  left  the  Petersburg  front  for 
Deep  Bottom,  from  which  point  it  moved  September  2Qth  to 
the  assault  of  the  enemy's  position  at  Newmarket  Heights, 
simultaneously  with  the  movement  of  General  Ord  upon  Fort 
Harrison,  and  that  of  the  Tenth  Corps  under  General  Birney 
from  Deep  Bottom,  to  which  Corps  the  Third  Division  was  tem 
porarily  attached. 


I/O  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

This  engagement  was  the  severest  test  of  the  fighting  quali 
ties  of  colored  troops  to  which  the  Third  Division  was  sub 
jected,  and  it  is  believed  to  be  within  the  bounds  of  truth  to 
say  that  no  other  command  of  colored  troops  ever  experienced  a 
more  trying  ordeal. 

The  fortification  to  be  attacked  was  on  the  Newmarket  road, 
and  was  practically  to  the  left  of  the  Confederate  line.  It  was 
defended  by  about  one  thousand  Confederate  veterans,  with 
artillery  in  position  to  command  the  narrow  neck  over  which 
the  assaulting  column  must  advance.  It  occupied  a  consider 
able  elevation  and  was  protected  by  two  lines  of  abattis ; 
one  about  fifty  yards  from  the  parapet,  and  the  other  a  very 
strong  line  about  one  hundred  yards  further  down  the  slope  ; 
the  position  was  further  protected  by  a  marshy  swamp  or  morass 
which  was  imperfectly  drained  by  a  sluggish  creek  through 
which  the  assailants  must  force  their  way. 

The  effective  strength  of  the  command  was  not  far  from 
three  thousand,  organized  in  two  brigades,  commanded  that  day 
by  Colonels  Draper  and  Duncan. 

The  troops  were  in  position  at  an  early  hour  on  the  morn 
ing  of  September  2Qth  on  open  ground  descending  towards  the 
James,  screened  from  the  view  of  the  enemy  by  the  intervening 
crest  ;  and  officers  and  men  were  impressed  with  the  idea  that 
the  charge  must  be  vigorous  and  sustained,  and  that  they  were 
expected  to  capture  the  work  at  whatever  sacrifice. 

Muskets  were  loaded,  but  not  capped,  bayonets  fixed,  and 
everything  made  ready  for  the  dash.  At  half  past  four  o'clock, 
in  the  gray  of  dawn,  the  order  to  advance  was  given,  and  the 
line  moved  forward.  But  few  moments  were  required  to  gain 
the  crest,  from  which  a  view  of  the  enemy's  position  could  be 
obtained. 

The  ground  descended  gradually  to  the  marshy  bottom  and 
stream  before  described,  and  was  exposed  for  the  entire  dis 
tance  to  the  fire  of  the  guns  on  the  height  beyond,  which 
opened  as  soon  as  the  column  advanced  beyond  the  crest,  but 
with  little  effect  at  first. 


SERVICE    WITH    COLORED    TROOPS  I/I 

The  lines  moved  forward  with  steadiness  and  without  any 
perceptible  hesitancy  until  the  marsh  and  stream  were  reached. 
At  this  point  there  was  a  little  confusion,  the  left  of  the  line 
finding  the  swamp  impassable.  This  compelled  a  contraction  of 
the  front. 

The  column  pressed  forward  across  the  stream  and  up  the 
slope  beyond,  encountering  the  concentrated  artillery  and 
musketry  fire  of  the  enemy,  which  was  terribly  effective. 

The  first  line  of  abattis  was  reached  without  any  apparent 
check,  and  pioneers  with  axes  commenced  the  work  of  remov 
ing  it.  Many  were  killed  while  so  employed,  but  others  seized 
the  axes  and  the  obstruction  disappeared  as  if  by  magic. 

It  was  still  a  hundred  yards  to  the  inner,  and  less  formida 
ble  line  of  abattis,  but  the  distance  was  soon  traversed,  and 
the  demolition  of  the  second  line  was  commenced. 

Here  the  head  of  the  column  seemed  literally  to  melt  away 
under  the  destructive  fire  to  which  it  was  subjected.  It  was  an 
anxious  moment.  Could  the  men  endure  the  frightful  strain  ? 

The  obstruction  delaying  their  progress  rapidly  disappeared 
under  the  almost  superhuman  efforts  of  the  axemen  ;  the 
officers  gallantly  rallied  and  encouraged  their  commands  ;  the 
gaps  in  the  ranks  were  filled  and  the  onward  movement  was 
resumed  with  irresistible  force  and  energy. 

The  last  line  of  abattis  once  passed,  the  enemy  did  not 
wait  for  a  bayonet  charge,  but  fled  in  confusion  along  the  New 
market  road  towards  the  inner  defences  of  Richmond. 

With  exultant  cheers  the  column  swept  forward  over  the 
parapet,  and  occupied  the  coveted  prize. 

The  casualties  resulting  from  this  brief  engagement    (it  could 
not  have  much  exceeded  thirty  minutes)  were  appalling. 

General  Butler,  who  was  present,  says,  "  As  I  rode  across 
the  brook  and  up  towards  the  fort  along  this  line  of  charge, 
some  eighty  feet  wide  and  three  or  four  hundred  yards  long, 
there  lay  in  my  path  five  hundred  and  forty-three  dead  and 
wounded  of  my  colored  comrades." 


172  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

The  Official  Army  Register  of  the  Volunteer  Force  of  the 
United  States  Army,  states  that  the  casualties  of  the  several 
regiments  composing  the  assaulting  column  were  five  hundred 
and  eighty-seven,  as  follows  : 

ist  Regiment  18 

4th  162 

5th  6 1  (including  3  officers  killed 

6th  203  and  1 1  wounded) 

22nd  15 

l6th          "  128 


Total       587 

From  this  statement  it  appears  that  the  36th  Regiment  of 
Colonel  Draper's  brigade,  and  the  4th  and  6th  of  Colonel  Dun 
can's  brigade  bore  the  brunt  of  the  engagement. 

Many  of  the  companies  lost  all  their  officers,  and  left  the 
field  under  the  command  of  non-commissioned  officers. 

Christian  A.  Fleetwood,  late  Sergeant  Major  4th  U.  S. 
Colored  Troops,  in  a  paper  entitled  "The  Negro  as  a  Soldier" 
written  for  the  Negro  Congress  at  the  Atlanta  Exposition  in 
1895,  compares  the  work  of  Duncan's  brigade  on  September 
29th  with  the  Charge  of  the  Light  Brigade  at  Balaklava,  as 
follows  :  "  Sometimes  a  comparison  will  illustrate  better  than 
figures  alone.  I  give  a  single  instance  :  Every  one  has  heard 
of  the  charge  of  the  Light  Brigade  at  Balaklava.  I  will  put  be 
side  it  a  Black  Brigade  of  about  the  same  number  of  men. 
Here  they  are  : 

HAD  LOST  PER    CENT 

Duncan's  Brigade,  comprising  the  Fourth  and  Sixth 

Regiments  at  New  Market,  Heights,     ....       683  365  53.7 

Light  Brigade,  Balaklava, 673  247  36.7 

Excess  in  Duncan's  Brigade, 10  118  17. 

The  Tenth  Corps  moved  up  the  Newmarket  road,  and  in 
the  afternoon  unsuccessfully  assaulted  Fort  Gilmer  ;  in  which 
assault  a  portion  of  the  Third  Division  participated. 

Meanwhile  the  white  troops  of  the   Eighteenth   Corps  had 


SERVICE   WITH    COLORED    TROOPS  173 

captured  Fort  Harrison  with  its  connecting  works  at  Chapin's 
farm,  from  which  line  the  Army  of  the  James  advanced  to  oc 
cupy  the  Confederate  Capital,  the  following  April. 

The  Third  Division  was  moved  to  the  left  during  the  even 
ing  of  the  29th,  head  quarters  being  established  for  the  night 
within  Fort  Harrison,  and  the  troops  were  employed  in  revers 
ing  the  captured  works. 

On  the  morning  of  the  3Oth  our  wagon  was  brought  up  and 
preparations  made  for  serving  our  mess  with  coffee.  A  con 
venient  spot  was  selected  on  the  plateau  over  which  the 
Eighteenth  Corps  had  charged  the  previous  day ;  and  soon 
the  aroma  of  the  refreshing  beverage  caused  a  little  group  to 
gather,  with  pleasant  anticipations  of  a  treat. 

Meanwhile  Confederate  gun-boats  in  the  river  were  getting 
the  range  and  occasionally  dropping  a  shell  in  the  neighborhood. 

During  the  night  of  the  29th  and  morning  of  the  3Oth  the 
captured  line  was  placed  in  a  tolerable  condition  for  defence  ; 
and  none  too  soon  ;  for  during  the  afternoon  of  the  3Oth  three 
determined  attempts  were  made  by  the  enemy  to  retake  it,  but 
without  success. 

During  the  attack,  the  left  of  the  division  rested  on  Fort 
Harrison,  extending  thence  toward  the  Newmarket  road,  where 
the  command  did  effective  work  in  repulsing  the  repeated 
assaults  of  General  Hoke's  Confederate  division. 

The  command  later  occupied  a  position  on  the  left  of  the 
line  of  the  Eighteenth  Corps. 

On  the  27th  of  October,  the  ist,  22nd  and  37th  Regiments 
formed  a  part  of  the  force  under  General  Weitzel,  which  moved 
to  the  right  as  far  as  the  Seven  Pines  battle  field  of  1 862,  thence 
up  the  Williamsburg  road  to  the  enemy's  line.  The  Colored 
Brigade,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Holman,  was  on  the  ex 
treme  right,  beyond  the  railroad  at  Fair  Oaks  Station. 

The  ist  and  22nd  Regiments  assaulted  at  a  point  between 
the  Williamsburg  and  Nine  Mile  roads,  carrying  the  work  in 
their  front ;  dismounted  two  guns  and  threw  them  outside  the 
Confederate  work. 


174  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

They  were  the  only  troops  that  succeeded  in  breaking  the 
enemy's  line  that  day,  but  they  were  soon  withdrawn  by  order 
of  General  Weitzel. 

Colonel  Ilolman  and  Colonel  Kiddoo  were  both  severely 
wounded  while  gallantly  leading  the  charge ;  the  total  casualties 
in  both  regiments  amounting  to  one  hundred  and  five  killed  and 
wounded. 

The  brigade  left  the  field  under  the  command  of  Lieut. 
Colonel  Chamberlain  of  the  37th  Regiment,  retreating  about  ten 
miles  in  a  pouring  rain,  over  the  route  by  which  they  had  ad 
vanced,  and  bivouacked  about  midnight. 

An  incident  illustrating  the  tenacity  with  which  colored 
soldiers  clung  to  their  weapons  occurred  during  this  movement. 

The  surgeon-in-chief  and  assistant  adjutant  general  of  the 
division  who  had  accompanied  the  command,  were  steaming 
under  the  same  blanket  when  they  were  awakened  at  daybreak 
by  some  one  inquiring  for  "de  doctah." 

The  caller  was  a  colored  soldier  who  had  been  shot  through 
the  right  lung  the  previous  afternoon,  the  bullet  passing  through 
his  body.  This  man  had  followed  the  retreating  column 
through  mud  and  rain  for  ten  miles,  bringing  his  gun  and  equip 
ments  with  him. 

Surgeon  Barnes  dressed  the  wound  and  placed  him  in  charge 
of  the  ambulance  corps.  Asked  why  he  had  brought  his  gun, 
the  brave  fellow  replied  that  he  "  Didn't  car  to  be  in  dose  parts 
widout  sumpin  to  protect  hisself." 

By  direction  of  the  President  and  an  order  from  the  War 
Department  dated  December  3,  1864,  the  Tenth  and  Eigh 
teenth  Army  Corps  were  discontinued  and  the  Twenty-fourth 
and  Twenty-fifth  Corps  were  constituted,  the  white  infantry 
troops  of  the  Army  of  the  James  constituting  the  former ;  and 
the  colored  troops  of  the  Department  of  Virginia  and  North 
Carolina,  the  latter. 

By  this  arrangement,  the  Third  (Colored)  Division  of  the 
Eighteenth  Corps  became  the  First  Division  of  the  Twenty- 


SERVICE    WITH    COLORED    TROOPS  175 

fifth  Corps,  with  Brigadier  General  Charles  J.  Paine  as  its  com 
mander. 

In  the  reorganization,  the  division  gained  four  righting 
regiments  which  had  seen  service  with  the  Ninth  Corps, 

The  27th,  Colonel  A.  M.  Blackman  ; 
The  soth,  Colonel  Delavan  C.  Bates  ; 
The  39th,  Colonel  O.  P.  Stearns  ; 
The  io7th,  Colonel  Revere, 

and  lost  the  ist,  loth  and  36th  Regiments,  which  were  at 
tached  to  another  division. 

The  First  Division,  Twenty-fifth  Corps,  saw  little  or  no  ser 
vice  in  Virginia  after  its  organization,  December  6th,  but  it 
accompanied  both  expeditions  to  Fort  Fisher. 

The  division  was  on  ship-board  continuously  for  nearly  three 
weeks  in  December,  no  portion  of  the  command  disembarking 
on  the  occasion  of  our  first  visit  to  Federal  Point. 

On  the  return  of  the  first  expedition,  we  occupied  our 
former  camp  on  Chapin's  farm,  discontinued  the  practice  of  desig 
nating  orders  and  correspondence,  "  Head  Quarters  off  Cape 
Hatteras,"  and  adopted  the  more  familiar  form,  "  Head  Quarters 
before  Richmond." 

In  drilling  an  awkward  squad  when  raw  recruits  failed  to 
master  some  detail  of  the  manual  and  the  instructor  wished  to 
retrace  a  step,  the  command  (not  recognized  in  Casey's  tactics, 
to  be  sure)  "  As  you  were,"  was  frequently  used.  General 
Grant  practically  adopted  the  phrase,  and  issued  orders  for  the 
return  of  the  troops  comprising  the  first  expedition  with  one  ad 
ditional  brigade  from  the  Twenty-fourth  Corps ;  the  second 
expedition  being  under  the  command  of  General  A.  H.  Terry. 

To  the  Colored  Division  was  assigned  the  duty  of  construct 
ing  and  holding  a  line  across  the  peninsula  facing  Wilmington, 
and  preventing  General  Hoke's  Confederate  division  from  inter 
fering  with  General  Ames'  operations  ;  and  this  was  effectually 
accomplished. 


176  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

The  Confederate  commander  evidently  had  a  wholesome  fear 
of  encountering  the  Colored  Division  for  the  third  time.  He 
possibly  entertained  the  opinion  expressed  by  one  of  the  dis 
gusted  captives  of  the  division  on  the  i$th  of  June  before 
Petersburg,  who  was  credited  with  the  remark,  "  D  —  d  if 
Southern  gentlemen  would  fight  with  niggers,  and  the  govern 
ment  ought  not  expect  them  to  do  it." 

For  this  or  some  other  reason,  General  Hoke  attempted  no 
serious  interference ;  no  attack  was  made  upon  our  defensive 
line. 

The  day  following  the  capture  of  Fort  Fisher,  a  flag  of  truce 
appeared  upon  our  front,  and  the  assistant  adjutant  general  was 
directed  to  detain  the  party,  which  consisted  of  the  wife  of 
Colonel  Lamb,  the  commander  of  the  garrison,  who  was  severely 
wounded  the  previous  day,  with  an  escort. 

We  went  to  Federal  Point  in  light  marching  order.  There 
was  not  a  horse  in  the  entire  division  when  we  landed.  A  sorry 
apology  for  one  had  been  captured,  and  equipped  with  a  primi 
tive  outfit,  consisting  of  an  antique  saddle,  a  saddle  cloth  of 
gunny  bags,  so  adjusted  as  to  prevent  the  frame  of  the  horse  from 
injuring  the  saddle,  and  a  bridle  of  ropes  and  strings.  The 
whole  thing  was  worthy  a  conspicuous  place  in  an  antique 
and  horrible  parade. 

With  this  mount  the  officer  rode  out  to  meet  the  flag  of 
truce.  In  the  Confederate  party  was  the  assistant  adjutant 
general  of  General  Hoke's  division.  We  had  plenty  of  topics  of 
conversation,  as  we  had  been  opposed  to  each  other  in  several 
engagements.  He  had  a  splendid  mount,  with  a  complete  set 
of  Federal  equipments,  and  was  inconsiderate  enough  to  make 
disparaging  remarks  in  regard  to  the  appearance  of  the  Union 
livery. 

He  was  reminded  that  we  had  visited  the  country  for  the  first 
time,  contemplating  living  off  it,  without  an  accurate  knowledge 
of  its  resources,  that  the  specimen  under  consideration  was  the 
best  the  country  afforded  :  and  that  evidently  our  affairs  had 


SERVICE   WITH    COLORED    TROOPS  177 

become  somewhat  confused  and  that  our  mounts  had  been  ex 
changed,  that  the  proper  thing  to  do  was  to  trade  again.  He 
was  in  no  mood  for  a  horse  trade,  and  the  proposition  was  re 
jected. 

On  the  22nd  of  February,  General  Terry  occupied  Wilming 
ton,  General  Ames'  and  General  Paine's  divisions  passing 
through  the  city  and  encamping  at  North  East  Station,  on  the 
north  east  branch  of  the  Cape  Fear  river  about  ten  miles  north 
of  the  town,  being  but  feebly  opposed  by  General  Hoke's 
command. 

From  this  camp  the  command  moved  March  i6th  to  effect  a 
junction  with  the  column  of  General  Sherman,  moving  from 
Fayetteville,  and  that  of  General  Schofield  moving  from  New- 
berne. 

General  Terry  was  assigned  to  the  command  of  the  new 
Tenth  Corps,  which  was  composed  largely  of  the  two  divisions 
under  his  command  at  Fort  Fisher,  the  First  Division  of  the 
Twenty-fifth  Corps  becoming  the  Third  Division,  Tenth  Corps. 

An  incident,  well  illustrating  the  cheerfulness  with  which  the 
colored  soldiers  obeyed  orders,  occurred  on  our  march  through 
North  Carolina. 

At  the  time  of  our  visit  the  appropriations  for  highways  and 
bridges  were  evidently  exhausted.  Bridges  over  the  smaller 
creeks  and  streams  were  unknown  on  the  country  roads  ;  pedes 
trians  picked  their  way  over  trunks  of  fallen  trees  or  a  single 
plank,  while  equestrians  were  obliged  to  ford.  Reaching  one  of 
these  streams  upon  one  occasion,  preceded  by  white  troops,  the 
column  was  greatly  delayed  by  reason  of  their  efforts  to  cross 
dry  shod.  The  delay  threatened  a  late  supper  for  the  colored 
troops  as  we  had  several  miles  to  cover. 

General  Paine  sent  a  staff  officer  to  Colonel  Duncan,  com 
manding  the  leading  brigade  of  his  division,  with  orders  that  he 
permit  no  straggling  at  the  ford,  which  was  fifty  feet  or  more  in 
width  and  waist  deep. 

Colonel  Duncan  formed  his  brigade  in  close  column,  the  men 


1 78  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

removed  their  waist  belts,  cartridge  boxes,  shoes  and  stockings, 
trousers  and  drawers,  and  making  a  compact  bundle  of  the  whole 
outfit  secured  it  to  their  bayonets  or  ramrods.  A  band  was  sta 
tioned  at  the  ford  and  to  the  lively  strains  of  "  The  Girl  I  Left 
Behind  Me"  they  took  to  the  water,  with  arms  and  bundles  at 
right  shoulder,  with  touch  of  elbow  and  fours  well  aligned. 
There  seemed  to  be  a  rivalry  between  the  regiments  and  the 
different  companies  of  the  same  regiment  as  to  which  should 
flinch  the  least. 

On  the  march  from  Goldsboro'  the  division  was  halted  for  a 
midday  rest  near  a  little  hamlet  consisting  of  a  few  scattered 
houses.  General  Paine  and  staff  rode  into  an  enclosure,  and 
dismounting  proceeded  to  partake  of  their  frugal  lunch. 

The  owner  of  the  premises  appeared,  and  in  the  course  of 
conversation  inquired  if  any  of  the  colored  troops  composing  the 
command  were  at  Fort  Wagner  ?  He  volunteered  the  informa 
tion  that  a  gentleman  living  in  the  neighborhood,  near  whose 
house  we  should  pass,  was  at  Wagner  at  the  time  of  the  assault 
by  Colonel  Robert  G.  Shaw's  54th  Massachusetts  Regiment 
and  had  that  officer's  sword  in  his  possession. 

General  Paine  took  the  man's  name  and  the  location  of  his 
premises,  and  directed  one  of  the  staff  to  take  a  small  escort, 
visit  the  house,  and  if  possible  obtain  the  weapon.  The  house 
was  found  without  difficulty  but  it  was  without  an  occupant. 
Upon  searching  the  premises,  a  sword  was  found,  and  delivered 
to  General  Paine. 

In  July,  upon  leaving  the  service,  the  late  Assistant  Adjutant 
General  was  charged  by  General  Paine  with  the  duty  of  restoring 
the  sword  to  Colonel  Shaw's  father,  and  upon  arrival  at  his  home, 
opened  a  correspondence  with  Mr.  Francis  George  Shaw  inform 
ing  him  of  its  recovery. 

The  sword  in  question  proved  to  be  the  one  carried  by  the 
gallant  colonel  and  was  identified  by  the  initials  R.  G.  S.  deli 
cately  etched  upon  the  blade.  In  a  postscript  to  one  of  his 
letters  Mr.  Shaw  wrote,  "  The  sword  was  a  present  to  my  son 


SERVICE    WITH    COLORED    TROOPS  179 

from  his  uncle,  Mr.  George  R.  Russell,  who  purchased  it  in 
England  and  caused  the  etchings  to  be  made  there." 

In  a  subsequent  letter  acknowledging  its  receipt  he  says  "  I 
thank  you  most  heartily  for  all  the  care  and  trouble  you  have 
taken.  So  far  as  such  words  may  be  applied  to  an  inanimate 
thing  it  is  the  weapon  which  has  done  most  for  our  colored 
people  in  this  war,  and  it  is  to  me  likewise  as  well  as  to  you  a 
source  of  great  satisfaction  that  it  was  recovered  and  restored 
by  officers  of  colored  troops." 

Time  and  space  will  not  allow  of  a  minute  description  of  the 
subsequent  movements  of  the  Colored  Division  ;  of  the  junction 
with  Sherman's  victorious  army  near  the  battle  field  of  Benton- 
ville  ;  the  occupation  of  Raleigh ;  the  surrender  of  Johnston ;  the 
review  of  the  combined  armies  by  General  Sherman,  and  the 
closing  scenes  connected  with  the  homeward  march. 

There  are  many  interesting  incidents,  ranging  from  the  ludi 
crous  to  the  pathetic,  but  the  limits  of  this  paper  will  not  permit 
reference  to  them. 

The  story  of  the  part  taken  by  the  colored  soldier  in  the  war 
which  resulted  in  establishing  the  freedom  of  his  race  will  at  the 
hands  of  some  future  historian  form  a  romantic  chapter  in  the 
history  of  the  progress  of  the  Republic. 

As  in  the  grand  transformation  scene  in  some  spectacular 
play,  he  sprung,  at  a  single  bound,  from  the  darkness  of  servitude 
to  the  light  of  freedom  ;  from  a  chattel  to  a  man  ;  from  a  serf  to 
a  citizen ;  from  wearing  the  clanking  chains  of  bondage  to  wield 
ing  clashing  arms  in  defence  of  the  government  which  had  pro 
claimed,  and  which  shall  henceforth  maintain  his  liberty. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  CEDAR  CREEK 

OCTOBER  19,  1864 


""•' /« 


THE  BATTLE  OF  CEDAR  CREEK 

OCTOBER  19,  1864 

BY 

BREVET  BRIGADIER  GENERAL  HAZARD  STEVENS,  U.S.V. 

THE  victories  of  Winchester  and  Fisher's  Hill,  September 
1 9th  and  22d,  sent  Early  and  his  army  "whirling  up  the  valley." 
Sheridan  pursued  as  far  as  Harrisonburg  and  Mt.  Crawford  with 
his  infantry,  and  Staunton  with  his  cavalry.  Thence  retiring  at 
his  leisure,  he  swept  the  valley  bare  with  a  cordon  of  cavalry, 
stretching  clear  across  it  from  the  Blue  Ridge  to  the  North 
Mountain,  burning  all  the  mills  and  barns,  driving  off  all  the 
horses  and  cattle  and  sheep,  and  leaving  so  little  subsistence 
that  it  was  said  that  a  crow,  seeking  to  fly  down  the  valley,  would 
have  to  take  his  rations  with  him. 

He  took  position  on  the  north  bank  of  Cedar  Creek,  fifteen 
miles  from  Winchester,  astride  the  valley  pike,  sending  on  the 
Sixth  Corps  to  Front  Royal,  a  day's  march  on  the  road  to  Wash 
ington,  in  expectation  of  returning  it  to  Grant  at  Petersburg. 

Early,  reinforced  by  Kershaw's  Division  of  infantry,  and 
Cutshaw's  Battalion  of  artillery,  followed  at  a  respectful  dis 
tance,  throwing  forward  his  cavalry  under  Rosser,  who  had  just 
joined  him  with  a  fresh  brigade  of  horse.  But  the  high  hopes 
of  this  self-styled  Saviour  of  the  Valley  received  a  crushing  blow 
at  the  fight  of  Tom's  Brook,  October  Qth,  six  miles  south  of 
Cedar  Creek,  where  Sheridan  launched  Merritt's  and  Custer's 
divisions  of  cavalry  under  Torbert  upon  him,  with  the  emphatic 
order  to  "  whip  or  get  whipped,"  utterly  routed  him,  chased  him 
at  full  speed  twenty  miles,  and  captured  all  his  guns  but  one  — 
sixteen  taken  —  all  his  ambulances  and  wagons,  —  everything  on 
wheels,  in  fact. 


184  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

Notwithstanding  these  Woodstock  races,  as  the  Union 
troopers  called  the  rout  of  his  cavalry,  Early  advanced  his  whole 
force,  and  after  making  a  bold  reconnoissance  right  up  to  Cedar 
Creek,  fell  back  four  miles  and  took  post  on  Fisher's  Hill  on  the 
1 3th.  The  village  of  Strasburg  lay  between. 

The  Shenandoah  Valley  is  by  no  means  a  level  plain,  but 
presents  a  rolling  surface  breaking  frequently  into  decided  ridges 
and  even  hills.  Although  the  greater  portion  consists  of  open 
ground,  cultivated  fields  and  pastures,  there  are  many  tracts  and 
groves  of  woods,  —  chiefly  black  walnut  and  other  deciduous 
trees,  —  but  the  timber  is  quite  open  and  free  from  underbrush, 
affording  little  obstacle  to  the  movements  of  troops. 

Opposite  the  mouth  of  Cedar  Creek,  the  Massanuttan  Moun 
tain,  a  steep,  lofty  and  rugged,  though  isolated  range,  rises  in 
the  midst  of  the  valley,  and  extending  twenty  miles  southward, 
divides  it  into  two  portions.  That  on  the  east  is  known  as  the 
Luray  Valley,  the  other  retaining  the  name  of  Shenandoah. 
The  North  Fork  of  the  Shenandoah  River  washes  the  western 
foot  of  the  range,  bending  around  the  northern  end,  and  flowing 
easterly  to  meet  the  South  Fork,  which  drains  the  Luray 
Valley. 

On  the  top  of  the  mountain,  at  the  northern  end,  the  enemy 
had  a  signal  station  which  commanded  and  searched  the  whole 
region  for  miles  around  so  perfectly  that  the  valley  of  Cedar 
Creek  and  the  adjacent  country  appeared  spread  out  like  a  map, 
and  every  object,  roads,  buildings,  camps,  intrenchments,  and 
bodies  of  troops  could  be  exactly  located. 

Cedar  Creek  flows  diagonally  across  the  valley,  from  north 
west  to  south-east,  and  empties  into  the  North  Fork  a  mile  and 
a  half  below  the  bridge,  where  the  creek  is  crossed  by  the  valley 
pike.  It  was  fordable  almost  anywhere  at  this  season,  but  above 
the  bridge  the  banks  are  generally  steep  and  rugged. 

Hupp's  Hill  is  a  broad,  high  elevation,  just  south  of  the 
creek,  over  which  the  pike  leads  to  Strasburg  on  the  other  side 
of  the  hill,  a  distance  of  two  and  a  half  miles.  The  little  hamlet 


THE  BATTLE  OF  CEDAR  CREEK          185 

of  Middletown  is  situated  on  the  pike  about  two  miles  north  of 
the  bridge  across  Cedar  Creek.  A  high,  open  plain  extends 
from  the  village  to  the  stream,  traversed  by  the  high  road.  The 
ground  is  higher  on  the  left  of  the  road,  extending  back  a  mile 
or  more  in  a  broad,  level  plateau.  It  slopes  down  on  the  right 
to  Meadow  Brook,  which  rises  north  of  Middletown,  and  flowing 
just  west  of  the  village  and  nearly  parallel  to  the  pike,  empties 
into  the  creek  nearly  a  mile  above  the  bridge.  The  pike 
descends  to  the  stream  by  a  ravine.  On  the  right,  the  high, 
bare  ground  fronts  upon  the  creek  in  a  bold  curved  ridge,  one 
hundred  and  thirty  feet  above  its  bed,  as  far  as  the  mouth  of 
Meadow  Brook.  On  the  left  across  the  ravine,  the  ground  rises 
even  higher  by  forty  feet,  in  a  bold  headland,  and  beyond  this, 
still  farther  down  the  stream,  was  another  headland  separated 
from  the  first  by  a  marked  ravine. 

Just  across  Meadow  Brook,  west  of  Middletown,  the  ground 
rises  in  a  high,  steep  ridge,  which  curves  around  to  the  right 
and  extends  north-westerly.  It  was  partially  wooded,  and 
just  beyond  the  bend  there  was  quite  a  tract  of  woods.  The 
cemetery  is  situated  in  this  ridge,  opposite  the  village.  A  wide, 
open  plain  extends  from  the  base  of  the  ridge  to  Cedar  Creek, 
while  to  the  rear,  or  north,  the  ground  stretches  away  in  gentle 
undulations  of  about  the  same  elevation  as  the  ridge. 

The  Nineteenth  Corps  took  position  on  the  right  of  the 
pike  in  two  lines  occupying  the  high  ground  overlooking  the 
creek  between  the  road  and  Meadow  Brook,  and  fortified  it  with 
a  line  of  breastworks,  the  First  Division  on  the  right,  the  Second 
Division  on  the  left.  Crook's  corps  went  into  camp  on  the 
ground  on  the  left  of  the  pike,  the  Second  Division  in  rear  of  the 
first  headland  on  the  left,  and  the  First  Division  taking  position 
on  the  second  headland,  which  was  nearly  a  mile  farther  down 
the  creek,  and  stood  out  like  a  bastion.  Along  the  crest  of  the 
ridge  they  threw  up  a  line  of  works  fronting  the  stream.  Near 
the  extreme  left  of  this  line  a  return  or  flanking  breastwork  was 
started,  and  extended  at  right  angles  to  the  rear  by  Crook's 
Second  Division. 


186  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

A  division  of  cavalry  was  disposed  upon  each  flank  ;  Custer 
on  the  right,  Merritt  on  the  left ;  and  Powell's  division  was  sent 
to  Front  Royal  to  watch  the  Luray  Valley  and  operate  across 
the  Blue  Ridge. 

Sheridan  established  his  headquarters  at  the  Bell  Grove 
House,  a  capacious  mansion  in  the  midst  of  the  plain  on  the 
right  of  the  pike. 

The  Army  of  the  Shenandoah  at  this  time  comprised  the 
Sixth  Corps  in  three  divisions,  Major  General  Horatio  G. 
Wright,  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  ;  the  Nineteenth  Corps  in 
two  divisions,  Brevet  Major  General  William  H.  Emory,  recently 
from  Louisiana ;  and  the  Army  of  West  Virginia,  or  Eighth 
Corps,  in  two  divisions,  under  Brigadier  General  George  Crook. 
With  the  latter  may  be  included  the  6th  New  York  Heavy 
Artillery  and  a  small  detachment  of  other  troops,  forming  a 
provisional  division,  so-called,  commanded  by  Colonel  J.  Howard 
Kitching.  All  these  were  infantry.  There  were  three  divisions 
of  cavalry  :  the  First  and  Third  of  the  Cavalry  Corps  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  commanded  respectively  by  Brigadier 
Generals  Wesley  Merritt  and  George  A.  Custer,  and  the 
Second  Cavalry  Division  of  the  Department  of  West  Virginia, 
Colonel  William  H.  Powell,  Second  West  Virginia  Cavalry, 
commanding,  —  all  under  Brigadier  General  A.  T.  A.  Torbert 
as  chief  of  cavalry.  Each  command  was  supplied  with  its  due 
quota  of  field  artillery. 

Three  brigades  of  infantry,  one  from  each  corps,  garrisoned 
Winchester  and  guarded  trains  in  the  rear,  besides  which,  one 
regiment  of  Crook's  corps,  the  gist  Ohio,  the  Second  Brigade, 
Second  Division,  was  guard  to  the  ammunition  train,  and  the 
26th  Massachusetts  Battalion  of  the  First  Brigade,  Second  Divi 
sion,  Nineteenth  Corps,  was  provost  guard  at  army  headquar 
ters.  Deducting  these  detachments,  amounting  to  eighteen 
regiments,  the  effective  strength  on  the  day  of  battle,  Oct. 
1 864,  was  as  follows  :  — 


THE    BATTLE    OF   CEDAR   CREEK  187 

6th  Corps                        8506  Infantry  600  Artillery  24  guns 

1 9th    "                             8748       "  414         "  20     " 

8th      "                             4000       "  200        "  1 6     " 
Kitching's  command     1000 

Totals                            22,254  1214  60 

Cavalry                           7>5°°                with  642  artillery                  and  30  guns 

29,754  1856  90 

1,856  artillery,  with  90  guns. 


Total  force  31,610  men  and  90  guns. 

The  strength  of  Early's  army  is  more  difficult  to  approxi 
mate. 

His  infantry  consisted  of  five  divisions,  known  after  the 
names  of  their  commanders  :  Ramseur,  Pegram,  Gordon,  Ker- 
shaw  and  Wharton. 

The  first  three  comprised  the  Second  Corps  of  Lee's  Army 
of  Northern  Virginia,  Jackson's  old  command. 

The  field  inspection  reports  of  October  3ist,  Army  of  the 
Valley  District,  General  Early  commanding,  give  the  number 
present,  effective  for  the  field,  as  follows : 

Ramseur 2442 

Pegram 2013 

Gordon 2227 

Kershaw 3071 

Wharton 1421 


Total 11,174 

Add  losses  in  the  battle  of  Cedar  Creek 35°° 

Infantry 14,674 

Artillery,  noi,  35  guns,  as  appears  by  inspector's  report  of 
September  3Oth  ;  but  General  Early  himself  says  he  went  into  the 
fight  with  a  little  over  forty  pieces  of  artillery.  His  cavalry  was 
in  two  divisions,  under  Brigadier  Generals  Lundsford  L.  Lomax, 
3121,  — and  Thomas  L.  Rosser,  2206,  — and  numbered  5327. 

Cavalry 5327 

Artillery noi 

Infantry 14674 

Total  force 21.102  men  and  40  guns. 


188  CIVIL  WAR    PAPERS 

This  does  not  include  his  horse  artillery,  which  —  so  soon 
after  Tom's  Brook  —  was  probably  scanty,  although  Rosser 
certainly  had  four  guns. 

Kershaw's  Division,  which  had  left  Early  before  the  battle  of 
Winchester,  rejoined  his  army  after  Fisher's  Hill,  thus  escaping 
the  losses  and  demoralization  of  these  defeats  ;  and  he  was  also 
reinforced  by  Cutshaw's  Battalion  of  artillery,  and  a  considerable 
accession  of  cavalry,  which  about  made  good  his  losses,  as  he 
admits  himself. 

In  his  brief  and  brilliant  campaign,  Sheridan  had  apparently 
shattered  the  rebel  army,  and  completely  cleared  out  the  valley. 

There  remained  two  ways,  and  but  two,  in  which  his  army 
could  be  brought  to  bear  upon  the  enemy.  One  was  to  rein 
force  Grant  at  Petersburg  with  the  bulk  of  his  forces,  retaining 
in  the  valley  only  enough  to  protect  the  line  of  the  Potomac 
River  and  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  ;  the  other  was  to  move 
south  in  force  upon  the  Virginia  Central  Railroad,  the  enemy's 
great  line  of  communication  between  east  and  west.  By  this 
move  the  enemy's  force  in  that  quarter  could  be  held  from  rein 
forcing  Lee,  a  vital  line  of  supply  to  Richmond  and  Petersburg 
cut  off,  and  probably  Lee  himself  be  compelled  to  detach  from 
his  own  army,  and  thereby  the  strain  on  Grant  be  lessened. 

Grant  favored  this  offensive  movement.  But  Sheridan  was 
opposed  to  it  on  account  of  the  difficulty  of  supplying  his  own 
army,  and  advised  sending  a  large  part  of  his  force  to  Grant. 
As  such  a  step  involved  breaking  up  his  victorious  army,  and 
reducing  him  to  a  purely  defensive  and  subordinate  role,  the 
unselfish  sincerity  and  patriotism  of  his  views  are  apparent. 

On  the  other  hand  nothing  can  be  more  admirable  than  the 
free  hand  the  great  commander  gave  his  dashing  subordinate, 
trusting  in  his  judgment.  Advance  on  the  enemy's  great  rail 
road  line,  —  or  else  reinforce  the  army  at  Petersburg.  Do  one 
or  the  other,  and  use  your  own  judgment  as  to  choice  —  the 
time  and  the  execution  of  the  movement,  —  such  was  the  gist 
of  Grant's  orders. 


THE    BATTLE    OF    CEDAR    CREEK  189 

But  Halleck,  Chief  of  Staff  of  the  Armies  of  the  United 
States  and  military  adviser  to  the  President  and  the  Secretary  of 
War,  had  his  own  views,  likewise,  which  he  was  not  slow  to 
communicate,  not  as  orders,  —  for  he  held  no  command,  —  but 
as  expert  opinions  from  an  acknowledged  master  of  the  Art 
of  War. 

All  summer  he  had  been  striving  to  rebuild  and  open  the 
Orange  and  Alexandria  and  Manassas  Gap  Railroads  from  Alex 
andria  to  Front  Royal  in  the  valley,  using  for  this  purpose  a  large 
part  of  the  forces  defending  Washington,  which,  although  within 
Sheridan's  command,  he  seems  to  have  managed  at  his  own  will. 
Notwithstanding  many  breaks  by  Mosby's  guerrillas,  he  had 
succeeded  in  opening  the  road  to  Rectortown,  at  the  eastern 
base  of  the  Blue  Ridge.  His  plan  was  to  fortify  and  hold  this 
line  of  railroad  from  Alexandria  to  Front  Royal  permanently. 
From  its  western  end  as  a  secure  base,  an  advance  could  be 
made  up  the  Shenandoah  Valley,  —  or,  from  its  centre  the 
advance  might  go  forward  by  the  line  of  the  Orange  Court 
House  and  Alexandria  Railroad,  which  could  be  rebuilt  as  the 
army  advanced.  And  in  case  it  were  decided  to  send  troops 
back  to  Grant,  the  newly  opened  road  would  offer  the  most 
direct  route. 

But  Sheridan  was  opposed  to  the  whole  scheme.  He  be 
lieved  it  would  take  so  many  troops  to  hold  the  railroad  that  he 
would  have  none  left  to  strike  with.  Even  when  he  started  the 
Sixth  Corps  to  Washington  he  disdained  to  use  the  railroad, 
although  opened  within  a  few  miles,  but  ordered  the  troops  to 
march  via  Ashby's  Gap,  telegraphing  to  Halleck  :  —  "To  trans 
port  the  corps  by  railroad  would  break  up  its  organization,  and 
the  shipment  of  artillery,  horses,  trains  and  officers'  traps  will 
involve  so  much  trouble  and  delay  that  no  time  will  be  gained." 

The  difference  between  the  two  in  their  military  ideas  and 
methods  was  evident. 

Halleck  would  establish  his  base,  secure  his  communications, 
occupy  a  large  tract  of  the  enemy's  territory,  and  then  advance, 


190  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

building  his  railroad  as  he  moved  forward.  Sheridan  would 
keep  his  army  together  and  in  hand,  constantly  manoeuvre  to 
head  off  or  threaten  the  enemy,  and  then  strike  him  with  all  his 
force  at  the  first  opportunity.  Halleck  would  wage  a  war  of 
positions,  Sheridan  a  war  of  blows. 

On  the  1 2th,  Sheridan  started  the  Sixth  Corps  for  Alexan 
dria  en  route  to  Petersburg.  Grant  at  Petersburg  telegraphed 
Halleck  on  the  nth:  —  "  After  sending  the  Sixth  Corps  and 
one  division  of  cavalry  here,  I  think  Sheridan  should  keep  up  as 
advanced  a  position  as  possible  towards  the  Virginia  Central 
Railroad,  and  be  prepared  with  supplies  to  advance  on  that  road 
at  Gordonsville  and  Chariot tesville  at  any  time  the  enemy 
weakens  himself  sufficiently  to  admit  of  it.  The  cutting  of  that 
road  and  the  canal  would  be  of  vast  importance  to  us." 

The  next  day,  the  1 2th,  Grant  again  telegraphed  Halleck  : 
"  Send  my  despatch  of  yesterday,  in  relation  to  what  Sheridan 
should  do,  to  him,"  and  Halleck  replied  that  "the  substance 
of  your  dispatch  of  nth  was  immediately  sent  to  General 
Sheridan." 

What  he  did  send  on  the  1 2th  was  as  follows  :  - 

"  General  Grant  wishes  a  position  taken  far  enough  south  to 
serve  as  a  base  for  future  operation  upon  Gordonsville  and  Char- 
lottesville.  It  must  be  strongly  fortified  and  provisioned.  Some 
point  in  the  vicinity  of  Manassas  Gap  would  seem  best  suited 
for  all  purposes.  Colonel  Alexander  of  the  Engineers  will  be 
sent  to  consult  with  you  as  soon  as  you  connect  with  General 
Augur." 

Grant  evidently  intended  a  raid  on  the  railroad  and  canal  by 
a  strong  movable  column,  giving  Sheridan  a  free  hand,  but  his 
clear  and  simple  instructions  were  so  modified  by  Halleck  as  to 
convey  an  order  to  Sheridan  to  take  up  and  fortify  a  permanent 
base  for  future  campaigns,  and  even  the  point  was  indicated,  — 
the  vicinity  of  Manassas  Gap,  —  and  a  colonel  of  engineers  was 
sent  to  assist  him  in  carrying  out  the  order,  and  he  was  to  con 
nect  with  General  Augur,  who  was  then  building  the  railroad  to 


THE    BATTLE    OF    CEDAR   CREEK  191 

Front  Royal.  In  fine,  Halleck  simply  reverted  to  his  own  pet 
scheme,  of  a  fixed  base  and  permanent  advance,  and  undertook 
to  carry  it  out  in  Grant's  name. 

This  perversion  of  Grant's  orders  at  once  frustrated  his 
plans  for  strengthening  the  army  at  Petersburg,  and  might  have 
led  to  serious  results  to  the  Chief  of  Staff  and  Master  of  the 
Art  of  War  himself,  had  not  fortune  bent  all  these  events  for 
the  best. 

Sheridan,  on  receipt  of  Halleck' s  dispatch,  on  the  I3th,  at 
once  recalled  the  Sixth  Corps,  which  had  already  reached 
Berry's  Ford  over  the  Shenandoah,  and  was  about  crossing  the 
river,  and  telegraphed  Halleck  :  —  "If  any  advance  is  to  be 
made  on  Gordonsville  and  Charlottesville,  it  is  not  best  to  send 
troops  away  from  my  command,  and  I  have  therefore  counter 
manded  the  order  directing  the  Sixth  Corps  to  march  to 
Alexandria." 

On  the  1 3th,  in  the  afternoon,  Early  suddenly  and  unex 
pectedly  appeared  in  heavy  force  on  Hupp's  Hill,  first  making 
known  his  presence  by  vigorously  shelling  the  camps  of  the 
First  Division  of  Crook's  corps,  which  occupied  the  salient 
headland  on  the  left.  The  two  brigades  of  this  division  present 
with  the  army,  the  First  and  Third,  were  thrown  across  the 
stream  to  develop  the  enemy's  force,  but  after  a  sharp  affair 
were  driven  back  with  a  loss  of  two  hundred  and  nine  killed 
and  wounded,  including  Colonel  George  D.  Wells,  34th  Massa 
chusetts,  commanding  the  First  Brigade,  who  was  mortally 
wounded.  Having  administered  this  rebuff,  Early  at  once  with 
drew  to  Fisher's  Hill,  not  waiting  to  be  attacked  in  force. 

Simultaneously  with  the  demonstration  on  the  pike,  Rosser 
appeared  in  force  on  the  right,  opposite  Cluster's  cavalry,  drove 
his  pickets  across  Cedar  Creek  and  advanced  about  a  mile,  but 
was  forced  back  or  retired,  and  in  consequence  of  this  demon 
stration,  Merritt's  division  was  moved  to  the  right  also,  taking 
position  on  Custer's  left  and  between  him  and  the  right  of  the 
infantry,  so  that  all  the  cavalry  was  disposed  on  the  right,  and 
covered  the  open  country  there  for  five  or  six  miles. 


192  CIVIL  WAR    PAPERS 

On  the  1 4th,  the  Sixth  Corps  rejoined  the  army  and  went 
into  camp  on  the  right  on  the  open  plain  beyond  Meadow 
Brook,  the  Third  Division  on  the  left,  next  the  Nineteenth 
Corps,  the  First  Division  in  the  centre  ;  the  Second  Division  on 
the  right,  and  somewhat  refused. 

On  the  night  of  the  i6th,  Rosser  with  two  brigades  of 
cavalry  and  Grimes'  Brigade  of  infantry,  of  Ramseur's  Division, 
the  foot-soldiers  mounted  behind  the  horsemen,  marched  thirty- 
two  miles  around  the  right  flank  of  the  Union  cavalry  in  an 
attempt  to  surprise  and  capture  an  advanced  brigade.  But  he 
found,  on  reaching  the  desired  position,  that  the  brigade  had 
been  drawn  in,  and  had  to  content  himself  with  the  capture  of  a 
small  outpost.  On  the  morning  of  the  i  /th  Early  advanced  his 
whole  army  some  distance  in  order  to  cover  and  sustain 
Rosser's  movement,  and  all  marched  back  on  the  failure  of  that 
officer. 

On  the  1 7th  Sheridan  proceeded  in  person  to  Front  Royal 
with  Merritt's  and  Custer's  divisions  of  cavalry  under  Torbert, 
intending  to  push  them  through  Chester  Gap  to  the  Virginia 
Central  Railroad,  while  he  himself  went  on  to  Washington  by 
way  of  Manassas  Gap  and  Halleck's  railroad,  in  response  to  the 
persistent  despatches  of  that  officer,  for  consultation  with  the 
authorities  there.  General  Horatio  G.  Wright  of  the  Sixth 
Corps  was  left  in  command  of  the  army  during  Sheridan's 
absence. 

On  reaching  Front  Royal  he  received  a  message  forwarded 
by  Wright  which  had  just  been  taken  or  read  off  the  enemy's 
signal  flag  on  Three  Top  Mountain  (Massanuttan),  as  follows  :  — 

LIEUT.  GENL.  EARLY  : 

Be  ready  to  move  at    once,  as  my  forces  join  you,  and  we  will  crush 
Sheridan.  LONGSTREET. 

At  first  Sheridan  considered  this  message  a  ruse,  but  on 
reflection  he  gave  up  the  raid,  ordered  all  the  cavalry  back  to 
Wright,  and  sent  him  the  following  message  by  way  of 
caution  : 


THE    BATTLE    OF    CEDAR    CREEK  193 

HEADQUARTERS  MIDDLE  MILITARY  DIVISION. 

Front  Royal,  Oct.  16,  1864. 
MAJOR  GENERAL  H.  G.  WRIGHT,  Commanding  Sixth  Corps  : 

GENERAL  :  The  cavalry  is  all  ordered  back  to  you ;  make  your  position 
strong.  If  Longstreet's  despatch  is  true,  he  is  under  the  impression  that  we  have 
largely  detached.  I  will  go  over  to  Augur  and  may  get  additional  news.  Close 
in  Colonel  Powell,  who  will  be  at  this  point.  If  the  enemy  should  make  an  ad 
vance  I  know  you  will  defeat  him.  Look  well  to  your  ground  and  be  well  pre 
pared.  Get  up  everything  that  can  be  spared.  I  will  bring  up  all  I  can  and  will 
be  up  on  Tuesday,  if  not  sooner.  P.  H.  SHERIDAN, 

Major  General. 

Then  he  continued  through  Manassas  Gap  to  the  end  of  the 
newly  opened  railroad  at  Piedmont,  and  thence  by  rail  to  Wash 
ington,  where  he  arrived  the  next  morning. 

His  consultation  with  the  authorities  must  have  been  brief, 
for  at  noon  the  same  day  he  left  Washington  by  special  train 
for  Martinsburg,  accompanied  by  two  colonels  of  the  engineer 
corps  sent  by  Halleck,  who  was  evidently  bent  on  demonstrat 
ing  the  superior  wisdom  of  his  own  ideas. 

General  Early,  in  a  letter  dated  November  6th,  1890,  to 
General  Irwin,  author  of  the  "  History  of  the  Nineteenth  Corps," 
has  stated  that  the  signal  message  was  altogether  fictitious  ; 
that  he  wrote  it  himself  and  caused  it  to  be  signalled  from 
Round  Top,  a  hill  back  of  Fisher's  Hill  where  he  had  his  head 
quarters,  in  full  view  of  the  Federal  signal  men,  in  order  to  in 
duce  Sheridan  to  move  back  his  troops.  On  the  failure  of  this 
ruse  he  determined  to  make  his  attack. 

Thus  Halleck's  intermeddling  caused  the  Sixth  Corps  to 
rejoin  the  army,  and  Early's  ill-advised  ruse  brought  back  the 
cavalry.  These  two  blunders  caused  the  whole  strength  of  the 
army  to  be  concentrated  at  the  very  time  when  it  was  to  be 
most  needed.  There  are  few  instances  that  more  clearly  illus 
trate  the  part  that  fortune  plays  in  war. 

General  Wright,  fearing  a  movement  by  the  enemy  on  his 
right  through  the  open  country,  placed  both  divisions  of 
cavalry,  Merritt's  and  Custer's,  on  that  flank.  Moore's  brigade, 
of  Powell's  division,  was  posted  at  Buckton  Ford  on  the  left, 


194  CIVIL  WAR    PAPERS 

two  miles  below  the  mouth  of  Cedar  Creek,  with  pickets  con 
necting  with  those  of  Crook.  Powell  remained  to  guard  the 
Luray  Valley  and  confront  Lomax,  who  occupied  it  with  his 
division. 

On  the  1 8th  Colonel  Thomas  M.  Harris,  3Oth  West  Vir 
ginia,  commanding  Third  Brigade,  First  Division,  Crook's 
corps,  was  sent  out  on  a  reconnoissance  to  ascertain  the 
enemy's  position.  On  his  return  he  reported  that  he  had 
advanced  as  far  as  the  enemy's  old  camps  and  found  him  gone. 
Every  one  supposed,  or  assumed,  that  Harris  had  gone  as  far 
as  Fisher's  Hill  at  least,  and  that  this  position  was  meant  by 
the  enemy's  old  camps,  and  the  feeling  of  security  and  careless 
ness  caused  by  his  report,  especially  in  Crook's  corps,  contri 
buted  not  a  little  to  the  disaster  of  the  next  morning.  For 
Early's  army  was  all  at  Fisher's  Hill  that  day,  and  Harris 
must  have  turned  back  before  he  reached  that  point.  General 
Wright,  however,  was  not  satisfied  with  the  report,  and  ordered 
General  Emory  to  make  a  reconnoissance  in  force  up  the  pike 
with  a  brigade  or  more  of  infantry,  and  Torbert  to  advance  a 
brigade  of  cavalry  by  the  back  road,  both  to  start  at  daylight 
the  next  morning  and  push  forward  until  they  found  the 
enemy. 

Now  became  apparent  the  fruits  of  Sheridan's  rigorous 
devastation  of  the  valley.  The  granary  of  Virginia  lay  in 
ashes.  No  more  could  the  rebel  armies  draw  ample  supplies 
of  bread  and  beef  from  its  broad  fertile  fields  and  whirling 
flour  mills.  No  longer  could  their  forces  sweep  down  the 
valley  pike  with  loaded  trains  and  bursting  haversacks  to  the 
very  banks  of  the  Potomac.  Early,  obliged  to  haul  up  his 
supplies  by  wagon,  eighty  miles  from  Stanton,  was  unable  to 
feed  his  army  for  any  length  of  time,  and  was  forced  either  to 
retreat  or  attack.  Early  was  desperate  and  his  officers  were  of 
like  mind.  They  felt  that  their  previous  defeats  and  the  wan 
ing  fortune  of  their  cause  demanded  extraordinary  exertion. 
They  felt  ready  to  take  desperate  chances,  to  do  desperate 


THE  BATTLE  OF  CEDAR  CREEK         195 

deeds.  Their  troops,  despite  severe  losses  and  repeated  de 
feats,  had  rallied  magnificently  and  were  still  game.  After 
reconnoitring  upon  both  flanks,  a  plan  of  attack  was  at  length 
decided  upon.  It  was  the  result  of  a  reconnoissance  made  on 
the  1 7th,  from  the  top  of  Massanuttan  Mountain  by  Major  Jed. 
Hotchkiss,  Early's  Chief  of  Engineers,  and  General  Gordon. 
Hotchkiss,  in  his  journal  of  these  operations  relates  that 
Gordon  and  himself  fixed  upon  the  plan  of  attack  to  suggest 
to  General  Early.  Early  adopted  it.  "  Soon,"  continued 
Hotchkiss  under  date  of  the  i8th,  "all  the  division  com 
manders,  Generals  Gordon,  Pegram,  Ramseur,  Wharton, 
Rosser  and  Kershaw,  and  Colonels  Carter  of  the  artillery 
and  Payne  of  the  cavalry  came,  and  there  was  a  conference 
at  headquarters  at  Round  Hill.  General  Early  decided  to  go 
by  the  route  recommended  by  General  Gordon  and  myself,  and 
decided  on  a  plan  of  attack  to  which  we  all  agreed.  General 
Gordon,  in  command  of  the  Second  Corps  (Gordon's,  Ram- 
seur's  and  Pegram's  Divisions),  was  to  cross  the  river  at 
Fisher's  Hill  and  go  round  the  end  of  the  mountain  and  cross 
again  at  Bowman's  Ford,  turn  the  enemy's  left  and  press  on  to 
the  pike  to  his  rear.  Kershaw  was  to  go  through  Strasburg, 
go  to  Bowman's  Mill,  near  the  mouth  of  Cedar  Creek,  and  cross 
or  advance  over  the  enemy's  line  or  front  of  breastworks. 
Wharton,  followed  by  the  artillery,  was  to  go  along  the  turn 
pike  to  Hupp's  Hill  and  cross  after  the  others  and  press  up  the 
pike  ;  Rosser  was  to  cross  Cedar  Creek  at  Mohamy's  Mill  and 
engage  the  Yankee  cavalry  ;  Payne  was  to  precede  Gordon  and 
try  to  capture  Sheridan  at  Belle  Grove.  This  plan  having  been 
decided  on,  Generals  Gordon,  Ramseur  and  myself  went  to 
examine  the  route  around  the  mountain  ;  General  Pegram 
went  to  the  top  of  the  mountain." 

On  his  return  that  afternoon,  Hotchkiss  took  the  pioneers 
of  Ramseur's  Division,  went  over  the  route,  made  bridges,  cut 
out  trees,  etc.,  and  a  temporary  bridge  was  thrown  across  the 
river  opposite  Fisher's  Hill. 


196  CIVIL    WAR    PAPERS 

The  troops  had  sixty  rounds  of  ammunition,  and  were 
cautioned  to  leave  behind  their  canteens  and  everything  that 
could  rattle. 

At  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening,  as  Gordon's  long  column 
was  starting,  General  Pegram  reported  to  Early  that  from  the 
top  of  the  mountain  he  had  just  discovered  some  fresh  earth 
works  on  the  left  of  the  Union  Army,  doubtless  the  return  or 
flanking  line  which  Crook's  Second  Division  was  at  work  upon, 
and  expressed  some  doubt  or  objection  to  the  undertaking. 
But  Early  stood  firm  and  the  column  marched  on.  Early 
states  that  the  plan  at  first  was  for  Kershaw  as  well  as 
Wharton  and  the  artillery  to  advance  on  the  pike,  ready  to 
cross  the  creek  and  attack  as  soon  as  Gordon  struck  the  left- 
rear  of  the  Union  army,  but  on  Pegram's  report,  fearing  that 
Gordon  might  meet  more  resistance  than  was  expected,  he 
decided  that  Kershaw  should  ford  the  creek  lower  down  and 
directly  attack  the  left  of  the  Union  works. 

Gordon's  three  divisions  crossed  the  river  and  made  their 
way  by  the  narrow  and  rugged  path  winding  along  by  the  foot 
of  the  mountains,  now  in  single  file,  now  hurrying  forward,  and 
now  halting  for  the  rear  to  close  up.  Kershaw  and  Wharton 
moved  at  midnight  down  the  pike,  through  Strasburg,  where 
the  former  filed  off  to  the  right  on  the  direct  road  leading  to 
the  lower  ford  of  Cedar  Creek,  while  the  latter  continued  his 
march  over  Hupp's  Hill  to  his  station.  Thus,  during  the  long 
hours  of  that  cold,  crisp,  autumn  night,  the  Confederate 
columns  were  silently  and  steadily  creeping  upon  their  foe 
as  he  lay  wrapped  in  slumber  in  the  fancied  security  of  his 
camp,  and  at  the  appointed  hour,  five  o'clock,  before  day-break, 
were  at  their  posts.  On  the  right  of  the  sleeping  army 
Rosser's  squadrons  mounted  and  formed,  waited  in  the  gray 
gloom  for  the  moment  when  they  should  pounce  upon  the 
Union  pickets  and  cavalry,  their  onslaught  to  be  the  signal  to 
the  other  columns  to  attack. 

On    the    pike,    Wharton's    infantry    deployed    in   line,    and 


THE    BATTLE    OF   CEDAR   CREEK  197 

silently  moved  down  the  slope  of  the  hill  to  the  very  edge  of 
Emory's  picket  line.  Thirteen  batteries  of  artillery,  forty  guns, 
stood  harnessed  on  the  pike  at  the  foot  of  Fisher's  Hill,  impa 
tiently  waiting  the  opening  of  the  fight,  to  rush  to  the  front 
at  a  gallop  and  join  in  the  battle  with  Wharton.  Gordon's 
column  was  closed  up  on  the  river,  ready  to  wade  the  stream 
breast  deep  at  the  two  fords  (Bowman's  and  Mclnturfs). 
Kershaw's  troops,  accompanied  by  Early  in  person,  were  led 
close  down  to  Cedar  Creek  —  the  camps  of  Crook's  corps  in 
plain  sight  on  the  height  beyond  —  and  shown  exactly  where  to 
cross  the  creek,  where  to  deploy  and  where  to  storm  the  works 
in  column  of  brigade. 

The  morning  was  exceedingly  damp  and  chilly.  A  dense  fog 
settled  down  upon  the  ground  as  the  dawn  slowly  lightened. 

Across  the  creek  the  bulk  of  the  Union  army  lay  in 
slumber.  After  their  arduous  campaign  the  men  keenly 
enjoyed  the  unwonted  rest,  none  so  apprehensive  as  to 
dream  that  the  twice  beaten  foe  would  dare  assail  that  large 
and  victorious  army  in  its  chosen  and  fortified  position.  Far 
away  on  the  right  Lowell's  cavalry,  the  reserve  brigade  of 
Merritt's  division,  was  making  ready  to  go  forth  on  the  ordered 
reconnoissance.  The  Second  Division  of  the  Nineteenth 
Corps  was  also  up,  preparing  for  the  reconnoissance  ordered 
up  the  pike,  and  the  First  Maine  battery  was  hitched  up  ;  - 
for  the  First,  Second,  and  Third  brigades  and  the  battery  were 
to  go  forth,  while  the  Fourth  brigade  which  was  in  second  line, 
was  to  occupy  their  places  in  the  works  during  their  absence. 

All  unsuspecting  danger,  little  dreaming  that  the  enemy 
whose  whereabouts,  supposed  to  be  miles  distant,  was  at  that 
very  moment  crouching  just  across  the  creek,  ready  like 
leashed  hounds  to  spring  at  their  throats  ;  the  troops  were 
making  their  last  little  preparations  for  their  march,  some 
hastily  swallowing  their  coffee,  others  buckling  on  and  adjust 
ing  their  accoutrements.  Thus  the  whole  army,  \vhether  asleep 
or  awake,  was  buried  in  the  deepest  sense  of  safety. 


198  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

And  now  Early  and  his  staff  astride  their  horses  behind 
Kershaw's  column,  anxiously  waiting  and  listening,  heard  the 
scattered  firing  caused  by  Rosser's  advance,  the  signal  for  the 
deadly  ball  to  open.  This  was  followed  almost  immediately  by 
dropping  musket  shots,  where  Gordon,  Payne's  cavalry  in  ad 
vance,  was  brushing  away  the  weak  picket  line  on  the  river. 
Already  Kershaw's  troops  were  fording  the  creek,  Simm's 
Brigade  in  advance  and  forming  line.  Receiving  the  pickets' 
fire  without  returning  a  shot,  Simm's  troops  advanced  straight 
upon  the  breastworks  so  swiftly  and  so  resolutely  that  they 
captured  the  force  on  picket  almost  entire,  and  stormed  the 
works  in  a  single  rush,  driving  in  confusion  Thoburn's  First 
Division  of  Crook's  corps,  and  capturing  the  six  guns  of 
Battery  D,  ist  Pennsylvania  Artillery,  Lieutenant  William 
Munks,  posted  on  the  left  of  the  line.  The  cannoneers  were 
bayoneted,  clubbed  and  driven  from  the  guns,  which  were  at 
once  turned  on  Emory's  line.  The  blow  was  so  sudden  that 
the  surprise  was  complete.  The  pickets,  badly  posted  and 
negligent,  had  given  no  sufficient  notice.  The  5th  New  York 
Heavy  Artillery  (infantry),  which  picketed  this  part  of  the 
line,  lost  four  officers  and  three  hundred  and  five  men  taken, 
only  forty  escaping. 

Kershaw's  three  other  brigades  swept  forward  as  fast  as 
they  could  deploy  and  advance,  hard  on  the  heels  of  Simms, 
and  joined  him  on  the  captured  heights  ;  Conner  on  his  left, 
Humphrey  and  Wofford  on  his  right. 

Battery  B,  5th  U.  S.  Artillery,  Lieutenant  Henry  F.  Brewer- 
ton,  was  posted  on  the  right  of  the  intrenchment.  His  cais 
sons  and  horses,  as  also  those  of  Munks'  battery,  were  kept  at 
the  bottom  of  the  ravine  which  extended  behind  the  headland 
upon  which  the  works  stood,  and  separated  it  from  the  headland 
where  Crook's  Second  Division  was  camped.  As  the  attacking 
force  swept  up  the  height,  Brewerton  delivered  a  round  of  can 
ister  into  them  from  his  centre  pieces,  and  then  ran  his  guns  back 
by  hand  into  the  ravine,  and  while  the  swarming  rebels  paused  a 


THE  BATTLE  OF  CEDAR  CREEK         199 

moment  upon  the  works  to  reform  and  pour  a  furious  fire 
over  his  head,  managed  in  the  smoke  and  fog  to  bring  off  all  his 
pieces  save  one,  moving  down  the  ravine  and  along  the  foot  of 
the  other  headland  to  the  pike,  but  with  severe  loss  in  men  and 
horses,  and  was  himself  captured  bringing  up  his  rear.  Lieuten 
ant  Samuel  D.  Southworth,  2nd  U.  S.  Artillery,  the  only  other 
officer,  was  killed.  In  like  manner  were  saved  the  caissons  of 
Munks'  battery.  The  remaining  battery  of  Crook's  corps,  L, 
ist  Ohio,  Captain  F.  C.  Gibbs,  occupied  an  epaulement  on  the 
next  headland,  near  and  overlooking  the  pike  and  bridge.  He, 
too,  after  firing  a  few  rounds  at  Wharton's  infantry  and  guns  now 
coming  in  sight  just  beyond  the  creek,  was  forced  to  gallop  down 
the  pike  to  escape  capture  by  Kershaw's  men,  already  again 
swiftly  rushing  on. 

Thus  was  broken  and  swept  away  like  chaff,  in  an  instant, 
as  it  were,  the  First  Division,  the  half  of  Crook's  corps,  with  a 
loss  of  seven  guns  ;  and  Colonel  Joseph  Thoburn,  ist  West  Vir 
ginia,  commanding,  was  killed,  striving  in  vain  to  rally  his  troops. 

Meanwhile  the  Nineteenth  Corps,  partially  roused  by  the 
picket  firing  on  the  left,  were  suddenly  startled  and  astonished 
as  they  heard  the  yells  of  Kershaw's  infantry  storming  the  height, 
their  rapid  and  heavy  musketry,  and  the  roar  of  Brewerton's 
guns.  The  troops  hastily  resumed  their  places  in  the  works. 
The  Third  Brigade,  Second  Division,  occupied  the  left,  next  the 
pike,  with  two  regiments,  the  I56th  and  i76th  New  York,  swung 
back  on  the  left  along  the  road.  The  Fourth  Brigade  extended 
the  line  still  farther  back,  along  the  pike,  crossing  it  diagonally, 
facing  to  the  left,  to  confront  the  new  danger.  The  First  and 
Second  brigades  continued  the  line  in  the  works  on  the  right  of 
the  Third  and  then  came  the  First  Division.  Battery  D,  ist 
Rhode  Island  Artillery,  Lieutenant  Frederick  Chase,  was  on  the 
left  near  the  pike,  and  in  rear  of  the  works.  Battery  A,  of  the 
ist  Maine  Artillery,  Lieutenant  Eben  D.  Haley,  was  in  the  works 
between  the  Third  and  First  Brigades,  Second  Division.  The 
5th  New  York  Light  Battery,  Captain  Elijah  D.  Taft,  was  in 


200  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

the  works  farther  to  the  right  with  the  First  Division ;  and  the 
i /th  Indiana  Light  Battery,  Lieutenant  Hezekiah  Hinkson,  was 
posted  in  rear.  Now  the  fugitives  came  swarming  across  the 
hills  and  rushing  in  wild  disorder  to  and  down  the  pike.  Now 
beyond  the  creek  appeared  Wharton's  skirmishers  driving  in 
the  Union  pickets,  and  firing  across  the  creek,  and  a  battery 
opened  a  brisk  fire  of  shells  upon  the  works. 

Roused  by  the  furious  outburst  of  Kershaw's  attack,  Crook 
was  forming  his  Second  Division,  Colonel  R.  B.  Hayes,  after 
wards  President,  on  the  left  of  the  pike,  and  about  one  hundred 
yards  from  and  parallel  to  it,  fronting  to  the  left  with  the 
small  brigade  of  Kitching  on  his  left.  Emory  hurried  over  from 
his  right  the  Second  Brigade  of  his  First  Division  under  Colonel 
Stephen  Thomas  of  the  8th  Vermont,  who  had  just  escaped  cap 
ture  on  the  picket  line,  for  he  was  corps  officer  of  the  day,  and 
threw  it  across  the  pike  on  Crook's  right.  General  Wright,  gal 
loping  to  the  fight,  aided  personally  these  dispositions,  while  he 
sent  in  hot  haste  for  two  divisions  of  the  Sixth  Corps,  thinking 
that  the  troops  just  formed  could  hold  the  enemy  at  bay  until 
the  veterans  could  come  to  their  support. 

But  Gordon's  three  divisions  having  crossed  the  river,  filed 
up  through  the  woods  for  a  mile,  and  formed  on  the  open  plain, 
directly  on  the  left  and  rear  of  Crook  and  Emory,  all  unknown  to 
the  Union  troops.  Ramseur  on  right,  Gordon  on  left,  Pegram  in 
second  line,  were  now  sweeping  forward  in  battle  order.  They 
struck  the  hastily  improvised  line,  and  at  its  weakest  point,  its 
left,  where  stood  Kitching's  raw  men  with  their  left  in  air.  They 
broke  and  fled  with  scarcely  a  show  of  resistance,  Colonel  Kitch 
ing  fell  mortally  wounded,  and  Hayes'  division,  bewildered  in  the 
fog,  smoke  and  din,  shaken  by  the  rush  of  fugitives  through  and 
past  them,  with  the  serried  rebel  lines  smashing  their  left  and  ad 
vancing  towards  their  rear,  gave  way,  and  in  a  manner  that  has 
called  forth  the  apology  of  the  three  commanders  who  witnessed 
it,  Wright,  Crook  and  Hayes.  But  in  truth  they  broke  none  too 
soon.  Gordon's  Division  smiting  them  on  their  defenceless  left 


THE    BATTLE    OF    CEDAR    CREEK  2OI 

must  have  swept  them  away,  while  Kershaw  was  already  assail 
ing  their  right,  and  a  more  stubborn  resistance  would  only  have 
made  their  losses  greater  and  the  disaster  worse. 

Brave  officers  and  men  in  every  regiment  there  were,  who, 
amid  the  universal  break  and  confusion,  fronted  the  enemy,  stood 
their  ground  to  the  last  moment,  and  checked  his  advance  long 
enough  to  enable  many  of  the  wagons  and  ambulances  to  hitch 
up  and  escape  to  the  right.  But  Crook's  corps  was  irreparably 
shattered,  and  it  may  fairly  be  said,  took  no  further  part  in  the 
battle. 

Even  while  this  struggle  was  in  progress,  Thomas'  brigade 
was  furiously  assailed  by  Kershaw' s  and  Gordon's  troops  in  front 
and  flank  at  once,  and  made  a  brave  and  stubborn  resistance. 
The  colors  of  the  8th  Vermont  were  actually  fought  over  ;  three 
color-bearers  went  down  in  succession,  but  brave  men  at  once 
took  their  places  and  the  flags  were  saved.  A  monument  now 
erected  on  the  ground  records  that  the  regiment  lost  one  hun 
dred  and  ten  killed  and  wounded  out  of  one  hundred  and  sixty- 
four  engaged.  About  half  the  regiment  were  across  the 
creek  on  picket,  and  cut  off  by  Wharton's  advance,  were  un 
able  to  join  their  command  until  the  afternoon.  The  other 
regiments  of  the  brigade  were  the  I2th  Connecticut  and  the 
i6oth  New  York; — there  were  only  three,  and  although  the 
scanty  band  was  soon  forced  back  with  a  loss  of  more  than  a 
third  of  its  number,  it  had  momentarily  checked  the  enemy  and 
gained  a  little  priceless  time. 

The  victorious  rebel  infantry,  charging,  firing,  yelling,  now 
fell  upon  Emory's  Second  Division.  The  I56th  and  i/6th 
New  York  saved  their  colors  only  by  tearing  them  from  the 
staves,  as  they  report.  The  Fourth  Brigade  was  swept  back, 
and  one  gun  of  Chase's  Rhode  Island  Battery  D  was  lost.  The 
other  brigades  in  the  works,  seeing  the  refused  flank  broken, 
and  the  enemy  amid  the  fog  pushing  along  their  rear,  leaped 
over  the  breastwork  and  stood  on  the  outside  facing  the  rear,  to 
meet  the  attack.  General  McMillan,  commanding  the  First 


202  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

Division,  leaving  two  regiments,  the  I  i6th  and  15  3d  New  York, 
to  hold  the  right  of  the  works,  which  here  crowned  a  pronounced 
hill,  threw  the  other  two  regiments  of  the  First  Brigade,  the 
3Oth  Massachusetts  and  the  ii4th  New  York,  on  the  plain  to 
the  rear  of  the  works  and  in  line  facing  to  the  left,  and  some 
four  hundred  yards  from  the  struggling  troops  on  the  pike.  As 
these  now  came  breaking  to  the  right  and  rear,  this  little  force 
made  a  gallant  stand  and  suffered  terribly,  the  i  I4th  New  York 
losing  one  hundred  and  fifteen  out  of  two  hundred  and  fifty 
engaged. 

But  all  in  vain.  Nothing  could  stem  the  skilfully  planned 
attacks  of  the  two  Confederate  columns  and  the  fiery  onset  of  the 
Southern  soldiers,  now  wreaking  a  long-deferred  vengeance  upon 
their  hated  foe.  While  Kershaw  drove  all  before  him  along  the 
works,  from  ( left  to  right,  capturing  three  guns  of  Haley's  ist 
Maine  Battery  A,  three  guns  of  Taft's  5th  New  York  Light 
Battery,  and  prisoners  by  hundreds,  Gordon  swept  a  wide 
swath  across  the  plain,  far  in  rear  of  the  works,  constantly  out 
flanking  and  driving  the  scattered  commands  that  yet  strove  to 
rally  and  hold  their  ground,  and  forcing  the  broken  fragments 
and  fugitives  of  the  corps  back  upon  the  creek,  leaving  them  no 
escape  save  by  the  extreme  right.  Three  guns  of  the  i/th  Indi 
ana  Battery  and  one  of  Chase's  Rhode  Island  Battery  D  were 
lost  in  crossing  Meadow  Brook,  making  eleven  taken  from  the 
Nineteenth  Corps. 

And  all  this  time  the  dense  fog,  now  heavy  with  smoke, 
shrouded  the  plain,  hiding  the  enemy's  movements  and  greatly 
increasing  the  feelings  of  uncertainty  and  dismay  among  the 
Union  troops. 

The  rapid  advance  of  Gordon's  troops,  covering  and  searching 
the  entire  plain  with  continuous  and  heavy  fire,  left  Payne  no 
opportunity  to  charge  upon  Belle  Grove  and  capture  the  Union 
commander,  the  part  especially  committed  to  him.  His  efforts 
were  restricted  to  picking  up  wagons  and  fugitives  on  the  skirts 
of  Middletown,  and  he  claimed  that  he  captured  three  hundred 


THE    BATTLE    OF    CEDAR    CREEK  203 

and  ninety-nine  men  with  a  force  of  only  three  hundred  and 
twenty-six.  lie  was  checked  by  some  men  of  the  Qist  Ohio, 
Crook's  cattle  guard  and  others,  and  never  got  beyond  the 
village. 

Gordon's  advance  also  cut  off  Moore's  cavalry  brigade  at 
Buckton  Ford  from  the  army,  but  that  officer,  moving  rapidly 
across  country,  threw  his  force  across  the  pike  just  north  of 
Middletown  and  held  it. 

The  Sixth  Corps  had  thrown  up  no  works,  being  regarded  as 
a  reserve  or  movable  force.  With  pickets  well  out  across  Cedar 
Creek,  connecting  with  those  of  the  Nineteenth  Corps  on  the 
left  and  the  cavalry  on  the  right,  they  lay  in  camp  since  their 
return  on  the  i.ith,  enjoying  the  unusual  and  welcome  rest,  as 
oblivious  of  all  danger  as  the  other  troops,  but  with  even  a 
greater  feeling  of  safety,  as  they  had  the  greater  pride  and  confi 
dence  in  their  corps. 

As  the  gray  dawn  began  to  lighten  the  damp  and  heavy 
air,  a  scattering  musketry  fire  far  off  on  the  right  startled,  yet 
scarcely  aroused,  the  sleeping  camps  of  that  corps.  "  Sho  !  that's 
nothing  but  picket  firing,"  exclaimed  a  drowsy  soldier  to  his 
mate,  as  he  turned  in  his  blanket.  It  was  Rosser's  advance. 

The  firing  on  the  right  died  away,  but  then  dropping  mus 
ketry  shots  on  the  extreme  left  were  heard,  soon  followed  by  the 
ripping  volley  of  a  line  of  battle,  and  then  the  musketry  rattled 
and  crackled  louder  and  louder,  and  shouts  and  cheers  resounded 
in  the  fog,  and  above  all,  the  shrill  rebel  yells.  There  was 
scrambling  out  of  blankets  and  into  clothes,  and  buckling  on  of 
belts  in  hot  haste.  The  dense  sea  of  fog  completely  shrouded 
and  hid  everything.  Nothing  could  be  seen,  nothing  could  be 
fixed,  except  the  pandemonium  on  the  left.  And  soon  crowds  of 
scattered  men  came  issuing  out  of  that  dense  veil  of  fog,  some 
running,  most  walking  fast,  but  all  intent  on  putting  ground  be 
tween  themselves  and  the  fight.  And  now  wagon  after  wagon, 
with  here  and  there  an  ambulance,  came  bumping  over  the  fields, 
the  drivers  urging  their  teams  and  casting  scared  looks  behind, 


204  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

The  troops  made  haste  to  pack  up  their  knapsacks,  blankets 
and  shelter  tents  and  get  under  arms.  The  corps  artillery, 
which  was  camped  together  in  close  order  on  the  right  bank  of 
Meadow  Brook  in  rear  of  the  infantry,  hitched  up.  On  the  first 
burst  of  the  storm  Wright  had  ordered  up  two  divisions  to  sup 
port  the  line  that  himself,  Crook  and  Emory  were  forming  be 
yond  the  pike.  Twenty  minutes  would  suffice  for  the  veterans  to 
march  the  intervening  mile,  and  he  looked  forward  with  confidence 
to  the  repulse  of  the  enemy  on  that  line.  But  now  the  line  was 
shattered,  the  enemy  advancing,  and  he  was  forced  to  send  word 
to  General  Ricketts  commanding  the  corps,  to  move  back  and 
take  up  a  defensible  position. 

In  compliance  with  the  first  order,  the  First  and  Third  Di 
visions  moved  to  the  left,  and  the  leading  brigade  of  each  was 
already  across  the  brook  before  they  received  the  countermand, 
the  Third  Division  crossing  below  the  artillery  camp,  the  First 
Division  passing  its  rear  and  left  and  crossing  above  it.  The 
Second  Brigade  of  the  Third  Division  deployed  and  advanced  up 
the  slope  nearly  to  the  Belle  Grove  House  and  became  engaged 
with  the  enemy,  but  was  struck,  overborne  and  broken  in  two 
by  the  retreating  masses  of  the  Nineteenth  Corps,  and  moved 
back  across  the  creek  under  a  heavy  fire  and  in  some  confusion. 
The  First  Brigade  of  the  First  Division  also  re-crossed  the  brook. 
Fugitives,  wagons  and  ambulances  were  rushing  past  or  breaking 
through  the  ranks  of  the  Sixth  Corps  in  ever  increasing  num 
bers.  The  dense  fog  and  smoke  rendered  it  impossible  to  dis 
tinguish  friend  from  foe  at  any  distance. 

Unable  to  see  the  ground  for  over  a  hundred  yards,  unable 
to  fix  the  position  of  other  troops,  each  command  was  in  a  meas 
ure  isolated,  while  the  heavy  and  continuous  firing,  the  rebel 
yells,  the  swarms  of  fugitives,  the  whizzing  musket  balls,  the 
roar  of  the  enemy's  guns,  which,  having  crossed  the  creek  after 
Wharton,  were  now  opening  along  the  pike,  and  the  shriek  and 
burst  of  their  shells,  told  only  of  disaster. 

Amid  this  scene  of  dismay  the  artillery  went  into  action  in  a 


THE    BATTLE    OF    CEDAR    CREEK  205 

huddle,  almost  as  they  stood  in  camp,  and  as  fast  as  the  fugi 
tives  and  wagons  cleared  their  front,  opened  vigorously,  firing 
into  the  fog  and  at  the  noise.  The  Third  Division  formed  on 
the  right  and  partly  in  support  of  the  artillery,  with  its  right 
near  its  camp.  The  First  Division,  only  two  small  brigades, 
First  and  Second,  eight  regiments  in  all,  took  post  on  the  left 
of  the  artillery,  the  whole  line  being  nearly  parallel  to  and  a 
little  back  from  the  brook,  facing  to  the  left  or  eastward, 
towards  the  pike.  The  fragments  of  the  Nineteenth  Corps 
were  falling  back  past  or  through  the  right  of  the  Third  Divis 
ion,  and  it  was  extremely  difficult  to  distinguish  the  last  of  the 
fugitives  from  the  first  of  the  enemy,  or  to  tell  when  to  open 
lire  without  slaughtering  our  own  men. 

Thus  they  were  ill  prepared  to  sustain  the  enemy's  attacks, 
following  hard  upon  the  fugitives.  General  James  B.  Ricketts 
was  severely  wounded  and  disabled  ;  General  Wright  was 
slightly  wounded  in  the  face.  lie  had  just  ridden  back  from 
the  rout  on  the  pike,  determined  to  make  a  stand  with  his  own 
corps,  and,  as  the  First  Division  was  forming,  .sat  on  his  horse 
near  by,  bareheaded,  with  the  blood  trickling  down  his  beard. 

The  Third  Division,  assailed  by  Gordon  in  front  and  Kershaw 
on  the  right,  gave  way,  and  instantly  the  swarming  rebel  infantry 
was  among  the  guns  and  captured  three  of  Captain  James 
McKnight's,  Battery  M,  5th  U.  S.  Artillery.  But  the  next  bat 
tery  belched  canister,  the  loth  Vermont  of  the  Second  Brigade 
and  the  6th  Maryland  of  the  First  Brigade  vigorously  counter 
charged  ;  the  enemy  was  driven  back  and  the  guns  brought  off 
by  hand. 

For  this  gallant  act  a  medal  of  honor  was  conferred  upon 
Colonel  W.  W.  Henry,  commanding  the  loth  Vermont.  His 
color-bearer,  Sergeant  William  Mahoney,  was  the  first  man  to 
reach  the  guns,  and  mounted  one  of  them,  waving  his  colors. 
This  brave  soldier  was  killed  in  the  afternoon.  Captain  Clinton 
K.  Prentiss  led  the  Marylanders. 

But    the     check    was     brief.       Kershaw 's    troops,    pushing 


206  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

through  the  camps  of  the  division,  flanked  and  enfiladed  its 
right,  while  Gordon's  men  furiously  attacked  its  front  and  left. 
In  vain  General  Wright  ordered  an  advance.  The  division  was 
forced  back  to  the  right  and  rear,  resisting  stubbornly. 

Ramseur  at  the  same  time,  with  the  three  brigades  of  battle, 
Cook  and  Cox,  and  part  of  Gordon's,  was  assailing  the  First 
Division  of  the  Sixth  Corps  ;  and  that,  too,  outflanked  and  out 
numbered,  was  forced  back,  after  a  brief  but  bloody  resistance. 

Yet  these  were  staunch  troops,  and  there  were  no  braver 
nor  more  skilful  officers  than  General  Frank  Wheaton,  who 
commanded  the  Division,  or  the  five  gallant  men  who  there  fell 
in  succession,  commanding  the  brigades.  Commanding  the 
First  Brigade,  Colonel  William  H.  Penrose  and  Lieut.  Colonel 
Edward  H.  Campbell,  I5th  New  Jersey,  were  wounded,  and 
Major  Lembert  Bowman,  loth  New  Jersey,  was  killed.  The 
command  devolved  upon  a  Captain,  Baldwin  Hufty,  4th  New 
Jersey.  Commanding  the  Second  Brigade,  Colonel  Joseph  F. 
Hamblin,  65th  New  York,  and  Colonel  Ronald  S.  McKenzie, 
2nd  Connecticut  Heavy  Artillery  (infantry),  were  wounded.  In 
less  than  thirty  minutes  the  division  lost  nearly  half  its  officers, 
and  nearly  one-third  of  its  men. 

Only  by  great  bravery  and  steadiness  was  any  of  the  artillery 
saved.  While  Me  Knight's  and  the  next  battery,  G,  ist  Rhode 
Island  Artillery,  Captain  George  W.  Adams,  were  pouring  can 
ister  into  the  advancing  gray  lines,  Colonel  Charles  H.  Tomp- 
kins,  ist  Rhode  Island  Artillery,  Chief  of  Artillery,  threw  Bat 
tery  C,  ist  Rhode  Island,  Lieutenant  Jacob  H.  Lamb,  to  the 
left,  and  drew  back  to  new  position  the  two  remaining  batteries, 
5th  Maine  Light  Battery  E,  Captain  Greenleaf  T.  Stevens,  and 
ist  New  York  Light  Battery,  Lieutenant  Orsamus  R.  Van 
Etten.  The  scene  is  graphically  described  by  a  participant, 
Captain  John  K.  Bucklyn,  ist  Rhode  Island  Artillery,  in  the 
Rhode  Island  Historical  Society's  papers.  "  Scarcely  were  bat 
teries  put  in  position  than  they  were  flanked  and  compelled  to 
retire  to  escape  capture.  The  enemy  pushed  so  furiously  that 


THE    BATTLE    OF    CEDAR    CREEK  2O/ 

he  seemed  to  arrive  first  at  every  place  we  wished  to  occupy. 
Captain  Jacob  H.  Lamb,  with  Battery  C,  scarcely  commenced 
work  in  a  position  assigned  him  by  General  Tompkins  when  the 
enemy  struck  his  flank,  and  with  difficulty  he  retired,  saving 
one-half  his  command.  Out  from  the  fog  and  smoke  in  front 
came  a  hostile  line,  and  immediately  the  first  battery  was  lost, 
and  a  rebel  flag  waved  over  one  of  the  guns.  Two  batteries  a 
little  to  the  rear  sent  canister  among  them,  and  the  flag  went 
down.  We  drew  back  the  guns  by  hand,  but  soon  lost  them 
again. 

"  Positions  changed  so  rapidly  that  staff  officers  could  not  re 
port  and  commanders  could  not  wait.  Every  man  seemed  to 
be  doing  his  best,  and  more  daring  acts  of  courage  and  des 
peration  have  seldom  been  seen.  Guns  were  limbered  up 
and  brought  away  when  the  enemy  was  already  within  the 
battery." 

In  this  melee  an  hundred  horses  were  killed,  six  guns  were 
lost,  and  one  hundred  and  seven  officers  and  men,  about  one- 
quarter  of  the  artillery  brigade,  were  killed  and  wounded,  with 
only  four  men  captured. 

Thus  driven  in  considerable  disorder,  though  stubbornly 
resisting,  both  divisions  gained  the  high  ground  to  the  right 
and  rear  —  the  extension  of  the  ridge  opposite  Middletown,  — 
where,  out  of  range  of  fire,  they  reformed  their  lines  and  rallied 
the  broken  men.  Gordon's  and  Kershaw's  troops  were  too 
spent  and  scattered  by  their  long  charge  to  press  on  farther,  in 
face  of  the  cavalry  deployed  and  showing  a  formidable  front 
across  the  open  country  still  more  to  the  right,  and  the  masses 
of  Emory's  infantry  reforming  behind  them.  Ramseur's  atten 
tion  was  turned  to  another  quarter,  as  will  presently  be  shown. 

While  the  Sixth  Corps  was  thus  struggling  to  withstand  the 
enemy,  the  Nineteenth  Corps,  after  passing  through  the  former 
and  nearly  a  mile  beyond  Meadow  Brook,  were  reforming  across 
the  plain,  beyond  the  camps  of  that  corps.  Here  they  stood  at 
bay  for  some  time,  although  assailed  by  some  of  Kershaw's  troops 


208  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

that  had  passed  the  right  of  the  Sixth  Corps,  and  by  the  fire  of 
the  enemy's  artillery.  Then  ordered  to  withdraw  by  General 
Wright,  the  corps  fell  back  to  a  high,  commanding,  open  ridge, 
over  a  half  mile  to  the  right  and  rear  of  the  Sixth  Corps  divis 
ions.  This  withdrawal  took  place  about  the  same  time  with  or 
possibly  a  little  after  that  of  the  latter,  but  instead  of  uniting 
with  or  falling  back  upon  the  other  troops,  the  Nineteenth  Corps 
retreated  in  an  eccentric  course  that  brought  it  still  farther 
apart  from  them.  The  fog  may  in  part  account  for  this  eccen 
tric  movement,  but  in  truth  the  corps  was  terribly  shaken  by 
the  severe  and  unexpected  blows  it  had  undergone  ;  eleven  out 
of  twenty  guns  were  lost ;  two  thousand  men  were  killed,  wounded 
or  captured  out  of  nine  thousand  effective  ;  thousands  of  soldiers 
had  left  their  colors,  and  it  was  necessary  to  gain  a  position  far 
enough  back  to  give  a  brief  respite  and  chance  to  reform.  The 
First  and  Third  Divisions  of  the  Sixth  Corps  were  in  little  better 
plight  except  for  stragglers.  Yet  in  neither  corps  did  the  troops 
feel  whipped.  They  were  indignant  that  they  had  been  taken 
at  disadvantage,  and  hustled  off  the  field  without  a  fair  chance 
to  defend  themselves,  but  not  disheartened.  The  very  com 
mands  that  had  been  forced  to  break,  hung  together  as  best 
they  could  through  all  the  confusion  of  the  fight  and  retreat, 
and  instantly  assembled  and  reformed  as  soon  as  the  pressure 
relaxed.  Not  a  single  regiment  in  the  Sixth  or  Nineteenth 
Corps  lost  its  organization  except  temporarily,  or  failed  to  take 
part  in  the  subsequent  movements  of  the  battle.  The  troops 
took  up  their  new  positions  and  adjusted  their  lines  in  as  per 
fect  order  and  steadiness  as  though  they  had  just  marched  out 
of  camp. 

All  this  while  a  fierce  contest  was  raging  on  the  ridge  near 
Middletown  between  the  victorious  enemy  and  the  remaining 
division  of  the  Sixth  Corps, — the  Second,  commanded  by  Briga 
dier  General  George  W.  Getty.  But  before  describing  this  fight 
it  seems  best  to  sketch  the  part  taken  by  the  cavalry  thus  far,  for 
the  pen  is  forced  to  recount  in  succession  the  various  parts  and 


THE    BATTLE    OF    CEDAR    CREEK  209 

incidents  of  the  battle,  although  they  actually  occur  simultaneously 
in  great  measure. 

Rosser  drove  in  the  Union  pickets  by  his  first  dash,  and  cap 
tured  an  entire  company  of  infantry — two  officers  and  sixty  men 
—  of  the  2nd  Connecticut  Heavy  Artillery,  at  Mohamy's  Ford 
on  Cedar  Creek.  But  he  was  speedily  encountered  by  Custer's 
picket  reserves  and  by  the  reserve  brigade  of  Merritt's  division, 
under  Colonel  Charles  Russell  Lowell,  2nd  Massachusetts  Cavalry, 
which  was  already  under  arms  and  about  to  set  forth  on  the 
reconnaissance  as  directed  by  General  Wright,  and  driven  back 
across  the  stream.  Warned  soon  afterwards  by  the  sounds  of 
battle  on  the  left,  and  the  portentous  sight  of  swarms  of  infan 
try  fugitives  breaking  out  of  the  fog  from  that  quarter  and 
hastening  across  country  to  the  right  and  rear,  Torbert,  holding 
Rosser  in  check  with  a  portion  of  Custer's  command,  deployed 
the  bulk  of  his  cavalry  across  the  plain  considerably  to  the  right 
and  right  rear  of  the  Sixth  Corps  camps,  facing  to  his  left-front 
and  presenting  a  formidable  line  to  confront  the  furious  and 
fast-approaching  attack,  and  the  horse  batteries  opened  upon 
the  enemy  as  soon  as  his  position  could  be  discerned. 

This  bold  and  aggressive  stand  checked  the  ardor  of  the 
rapid  though  now  disordered  onslaught  of  the  enemy,  for  it  could 
not  be  pushed  farther  without  reforming  his  troops  ;  and  aided 
materially  in  rallying  stragglers  and  encouraging  the  disordered 
Union  infantry  to  reform.  At  about  eight  o'clock  Torbert  sent 
Devin's  brigade  of  Merritt's  division  to  the  left  towards  the  pike, 
to  assist  in  rallying  the  stragglers  and  in  holding  that  all-impor 
tant  avenue  of  communication. 

Torbert's  own  escort,  ist  Rhode  Island  Cavalry,  under  Major 
William  H.  Turner,  was  deployed  across  the  fields,  and  strove 
hard  to  stop  the  fugitives,  but  with  indifferent  success.  The 
reports  of  the  cavalry  commanders  drew  a  graphic  picture  of  the 
number  of  fugitives  and  the  condition  of  the  broken  and  driven 
infantry.  Says  Dcvin  :  "  I  found  large  numbers  of  the  infantry 
retiring  by  regiments,' companies,  squads  and  stragglers.  With 


210  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

some  difficulty  I  checked  the  rout  at  this  point,  it  being  neces 
sary  in  several  instances  to  fire  on  the  crowds  retiring,  and  to 
use  the  sabre  frequently." 

Merritt  speaks  of  the  immense  number  of  infantry  stragglers 
making  across  the  country  to  the  Back  road  from  our  left.  The 
5th  U.  S.  Cavalry  (his  escort)  was  immediately  deployed  across 
the  fields,  and  together  with  the  officers  and  orderlies  of  the  di 
vision  staff,  did  much  toward  preventing  the  infantry  from  going 
to  the  rear,  and  forced  every  one  to  stop  and  form  line.  Other 
officers  repeat  the  story. 

War  presents  no  picture  of  hopeless  demoralization  like  the 
sight  of  swarms  of  broken  and  scattered  men  escaping  from  the 
battlefield,  nor  one  that  produces  a  more  exaggerated  effect  upon 
the  mind  of  the  beholder.  At  the  very  time  that  so  many  strag 
glers  were  going  to  the  rear,  the  bulk  of  the  Sixth  and  Nine 
teenth  Corps  was  manfully  fighting  under  every  disadvantage, 
and  when  overpowered  and  forced  back,  still  stuck  to  their  colors, 
perfectly  ready  to  renew  the  fight  and  needing  nothing  but  a 
leader.  And  many  of  the  stragglers  who  coolly  disregarded  the 
exhortations  of  the  officers  of  another  arm,  were  ready  to  rally 
or  intended  to  rally  at  the  call  of  their  own  officers,  cr  when 
they  reached  a  good  place,  and  this  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  so 
many  of  them  voluntarily  returned  to  the  ranks  later  in  the  day. 

Now  will  be  related  how  Early' s  victorious  advance,  sweeping 
all  before  it,  was  hurled  back  from  the  ridge  near  Middletown 
by  a  handful  of  staunch  troops,  well  commanded,  and  how  the 
aggressive  audacity  of  the  Confederates  was  turned  to  ill-timed 
prudence. 

Getty's  division,  Second  of  the  Sixth  Corps,  was  camped  on 
the  extreme  right  of  the  Union  infantry.  Satisfied  from  the 
heavy  firing  on  the  left  that  the  enemy  was  attacking  in  force  in 
that  quarter,  General  Getty  lost  no  time  in  getting  his  troops 
under  arms,  and  without  waiting  for  orders,  marched  them  by 
the  left  flank  across  the  plain  past  the  rear  of  the  corps  artillery 
camp,  to  the  sound  of  the  firing  —  towards  the  pike  in  front  of 


THE    BATTLE    OF    CEDAR    CREEK  211 

Middletown.  Neither  the  artillery  camp,  scarce  two  hundred 
yards  distant,  nor  the  other  divisions,  could  be  discerned  through 
the  fog.  Already  the  plain  was  covered  with  fugitives,  wagons 
and  ambulances  intermixed,  hurrying  away  so  eagerly  and  re 
gardless  of  the  columns  marching  athwart  their  course  that  many 
of  the  soldiers  fixed  their  bayonets  and,  as  they  marched,  threat 
ened  the  stragglers  with  the  points  to  keep  them  from  breaking 
through  the  column.  Already  the  whiz  and  ping  of  bullets 
were  singing  past,  and  the  terrific  noises  of  battle  waxed  louder 
every  minute  on  the  left.  The  division  was  formed  in  two  lines 
along  Meadow  Brook,  near  the  foot  of  the  ridge,  facing  towards 
the  pike ;  the  Vermont  or  Second  Brigade,  Brigadier  General  L. 
A.  Grant,  in  the  centre ;  the  Third  Brigade,  Brigadier  General 
Daniel  D.  Bidwell,  on  the  left ;  the  First  Brigade,  Colonel  James 
M.  Warner,  on  the  right.  As  the  lines  were  forming,  a  strong 
force  of  skirmishers,  consisting  of  the  5th  and  6th  regiments  and 
a  battalion  of  the  I  ith  Vermont  under  Major  Johnson  of  the  2nd 
Vermont,  dashed  across  the  brook,  drove  back  the  enemy's  skir 
mishers  through  the  open  woods  there  with  a  rough  hand,  and 
captured  several  prisoners.  On  Getty's  right,  its  flank  within 
thirty  yards,  a  well-dressed  line  of  other  Union  troops  extended 
to  the  right  into  the  fog.  These  were  of  the  First  Division, 
Sixth  Corps. 

As  soon  as  his  lines  were  formed,  Getty  advanced  across 
Meadow  Brook  and  swung  forward  his  left  considerably,  reach 
ing  towards  the  pike,  and  again  straightened  and  adjusted  his 
lines  preparatory  to  advancing  into  the  fight.  At  this  moment, 
save  an  annoying  skirmish  fire,  no  attack  was  making  on  Getty, 
but  sweeping  across  the  fog  and  smoke  laden  plain  in  front,  from 
left  to  right,  resounded  the  unmistakable  and  awful  noises  of  a 
fierce  and  heavy  fight.  The  crash  and  crackle  of  musketry,  the 
boom  of  guns  and  burst  of  shells,  mingled  with  yells  and  cheers. 
Far  to  the  right,  in  the  fog  were  heard  the  echoing  roar  of  the 
corps  artillery,  and  the  rolling  musketry  of  the  infantry.  Now 
at  last  the  rebel  onslaught  could  be  repulsed  and  hurled  back, 
and  the  course  of  disaster  stopped  if  not  retrieved. 


212  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

Thus  confident  that  the  enemy  could  never  break  through 
the  other  divisions,  Getty  resolved  to  move  forward,  wheeling  to 
the  right,  and  smite  the  charging  Confederates  in  flank  with  the 
whole  weight  of  his  division.  Orders  were  given  the  brigade 
commanders  to  this  effect,  the  right  brigade  to  commence  the 
movement,  the  second  and  third  immediately  to  take  it  up. 

Getty  bestrode  his  horse  just  in  front  of  the  right  of  his 
line  ;  his  staff  officers  galloped  back  to  him  and  reported  that 
the  brigade  commanders  were  all  ready  to  advance,  and  he 
turned  to  give  the  final  order,  when  the  troops  on  his  right  were 
seen  to  break  and  fly  in  the  utmost  confusion.  As  far  do\vn  the 
line  as  could  be  seen  in  the  fog,  the  men  were  breaking  succes 
sively,  file  after  file,  like  a  row  of  toppling  bricks  set  up  in  play 
by  some  sportive  urchin.  We  could  see  the  break  run  along 
the  line  until  it  came  to  the  last  man  next  to  the  division,  and 
he,  too,  sprang  from  his  place  and  ran  back  after  the  others, 
and  in  a  few  minutes  not  a  vestige  remained  of  that  well-ordered 
and  apparently  firm  and  steadfast  line.  Whatever  may  have 
occurred  writhin  that  pall  of  smoke  and  fog,  it  is  certain  that 
there  was  no  pressure  to  excuse  the  giving  way  of  that  line,  as 
far  as  one  could  see. 

Thus  in  the  very  act  of  delivering  his  well-timed,  if  desperate 
blow,  Getty  beheld  his  point  d'appid  give  way,  leaving  his  right 
without  support,  so  now  both  flanks  were  in  air,  and  the  whole 
infantry  of  the  army  broken  and  driven  in  confusion,  save  only 
his  own  scanty  division,  while  on  his  right  front,  amidst  the  fog 
and  smoke  appeared  the  enemy's  battle  line.  In  this  emergency 
-  without  supports,  without  orders,  —  in  the  open  indefen 
sible  plain  where  a  few  moments  would  bring  the  victorious 
Confederates  charging  upon  his  defenceless  flanks,  and  not  one 
ray  shone  amid  the  universal  wreck  and  ruin,  —  Getty,  with 
prompt  and  cool  decision,  moved  his  troops  in  line  facing  by  the 
rear  rank,  back  across  the  brook  to  the  foot  of  the  ridge.  Then, 
moving  up  its  slope  he  posted  them  in  a  single  line  extending 
right  and  left  as  far  as  possible.  His  right,  Warner' s  First 


THE    BATTLE    OF    CEDAR   CREEK  213 

Brigade,  rested  upon  a  heavy  patch  of  woods  and  extended  into 
it  by  the  front  of  two  regiments.  The  Vermonters  held  and 
extended  around  the  curve  of  the  ridge,  and  the  Third  Brigade 
was  pushed  along  and  back  on  the  ridge  to  the  left  and  rear, 
until  opposite  the  village,  where  its  flanking  regiment  connected 
by  a  strong  skirmish  line  with  the  cavalry  skirmishers  of 
Moore's  brigade  of  the  Second  Cavalry  Division,  which  had  just 
come  up  from  Buckton  Ford  and  was  boldly  thrown  across  the 
pike  in  rear  of  the  hamlet. 

One  regiment  of  Warner's  brigade,  the  I39th  Pennsylvania, 
remained  on  the  plain  at  the  foot  of  the  ridge  to  support  Lamb's 
Battery  C,  ist  Rhode  Island  Artillery,  which  had  just  been 
placed  in  battery  here  by  Colonel  Tompkins,  as  already  stated, 
and  was  soon  forced  to  fall  back  with  the  battery  to  the  right 
along  the  foot  cf  the  riclge  where  it  met  the  First  Division,  and 
remained  with  these  troops  until  afternoon,  when  it  rejoined  its 
brigade.  With  this  exception  the  division  was  intact  throughout 
the  entire  day. 

The  withdrawal  to  the  ridge  was  made  with  coolness  and 
deliberation.  The  brigade  and  regimental  commanders  posted 
and  adjusted  their  lines  along  the  crest  so  as  best  to  meet  the 
impending  attack  which  they  coolly  awaited  with  well-founded 
confidence.  The  skirmishers  were  drawn  in  to  the  foot  of  the 
ridge. 

The  provost  guard  was  posted  in  a  line  of  sentinels  across 
the  rear,  to  arrest  stragglers  as  usual.  Colonel  B.  W.  Crownin- 
shield,  in  his  interesting  paper  on  Cedar  Creek,  states  that  he 
assisted  in  posting  these  guards,  and  speaks  of  the  good  order 
and  steadiness  with  which  Getty's  fine  division  took  up  its 
position. 

Nor  had  they  long  to  wait.  The  gray  lines  of  Pegram's 
division  soon  came  advancing  swiftly  up  the  steep  slope,  and 
struck  the  troops  awaiting  them  on  the  crest.  The  heaviest  of 
the  attack  fell  upon  Warner's  brigade.  Getty's  veterans  coolly 
held  their  fire  until  the  enemy  was  close  upon  them,  then  deliv- 


214  CIVIL    WAR    PAPERS 

ered  it  in  their  very  faces,  and  tumbled  the  shattered  ranks 
down  the  hill,  pursued  to  the  foot  by  Warner's  two  right 
regiments. 

In  their  rapid  advance,  Grimes'  Brigade,  the  rear  or  left 
brigade  of  Ramseur's  Division,  became  separated  from  the  other 
three  brigades.  After  taking  part  in  driving  the  Union  troops 
across  the  pike,  Grimes  advanced  along  the  highway  towards 
Middletown  while  the  others  were  so  vigorously  assailing  the 
First  Division  and  artillery  of  the  Sixth  Corps,  thus  opening 
an  interval  or  gap  between  himself  and  them.  Pegram's  Divi 
sion,  which  was  the  reserve  or  second  line  of  Gordon's  attacking 
column,  was  placed  in  this  gap,  and  he  it  was  that  attacked 
Getty. 

The  enemy's  shells  now  began  to  burst  over  and  upon  the 
ridge,  coming  mostly  from  the  high  ground  along  the  pike.  The 
troops  lay  flat  on  the  ground  just  behind  the  crest,  and  suffered 
but  little,  most  of  the  shells  passing  over  and  exploding  in  rear 
of  the  line.  It  was  not  long  before  the  skirmishers  in  front  of 
the  Vermonters  and  Third  Brigade  came  running  breathlessly 
in,  and  reported  that  the  enemy  was  again  advancing  to  the 
attack.  The  troops  sprang  to  their  feet,  dressed  their  lines, 
fixed  bayonets,  moved  forward  a  few  paces  to  and  over  the  crest, 
and  met  the  enemy  at  thirty  yards  as  he  struggled,  well  winded 
and  tired,  up  the  ascent,  with  so  well-aimed  a  volley,  so  thunder 
ing  a  cheer,  and  so  sudden  and  spontaneous  a  rush  forward  that 
he  fell  back  in  great  confusion  to  and  beyond  the  foot  of  the 
ridge,  sharply  pursued  by  the  victors  half  way  down  the  slope, 
and  a  number  of  prisoners  were  taken.  The  troops  were  imme 
diately  recalled  and  posted  again  behind  the  crest. 

This  attack  was  made  by  Grimes'  Brigade  of  Ramseur's 
Division  in  two  lines,  and,  judging  from  the  extent  of  its  front, 
by  a  part  of  Pegram's  Division.  In  his  report  General  Grimes 
claims  that  his  troops  advanced  as  far  as  the  cemetery  in  their 
charge,  and  admits  their  repulse. 

Early  reached  the  skirts  of  Middletown  just  as  these  broken 


THE    BATTLE    OF    CEDAR    CREEK  215 

troops  came  tumbling  back,  and  there  met  Ramseur  and  Pegram, 
who  told  him  that  the  Sixth  Corps  was  making  a  stand  on  the 
ridge,  and  urged  him  to  throw  Wharton's  Division  into  the  fight. 
This  division  having  crossed  Cedar  Creek  by  the  bridge  with 
the  artillery  as  soon  as  the  way  was  cleared,  and  advanced  along 
the  pike,  was  close  at  hand  and  had  not  been  engaged.  Accord 
ingly  Early  at  once  ordered  Wharton  to  attack,  directing  the 
other  two  division  commanders  to  show  him  where  to  go  in. 

This  attack  fell  more  to  the  left  than  the  preceding,  more 
on  the  Third  Brigade  and  partly  on  the  Vermonters.  Again 
the  skirmishers  ran  in  and  gave  timely  warning.  Again  the 
troops  rose  to  their  feet,  dressed  their  ranks,  and  gripped  their 
muskets,  with  bayonets  fixed  ;  and  again,  at  the  critical  moment, 
just  as  the  charging  line,  straining  up  the  hill,  gained  the  sum 
mit,  the  steady  veterans  countered  upon  it  with  a  terrific  three 
fold  blow,  a  sudden  deadly  volley,  a  fierce  charge,  and  a  mighty 
shout,  and  dashed  it  in  pieces  clown  the  ridge.  In  their  eager 
ness  many  of  the  men  chased  the  broken  troops  to  the  foot,  but 
the  enemy's  batteries  in  the  edge  of  the  village  raked  them  well, 
inflicting  some  loss,  and  soon  all  were  brought  back  to  the  shel 
ter  of  the  crest,  and  the  line  was  reestablished.  In  these 
attacks  the  enemy's  losses  must  have  been  heavy,  for  at  one 
place  alone  near  the  bend  of  the  ridge,  thirty-four  of  his  dead 
were  found  lying  on  the  slope  the  next  day. 

Wharton  reported  to  Early  not  only  that  his  division  was 
repulsed,  but  that  the  Sixth  Corps  was  advancing,  and  the  Con 
federate  commanders,  impressed  by  this  fierce  rebuff,  felt  them 
selves  thrown  upon  the  defensive.  Wofford's  Brigade  of 
Kershaw's  Division  was  close  at  hand  —  the  only  troops  not  yet 
engaged,  and  was  hurriedly  posted  on  Grimes'  right,  fronting 
the  ridge,  in  order  to  withstand  the  apprehended  Union  advance, 
while  Wharton's  men  were  rallied  and  reformed.  This  brigade, 
it  appears,  after  taking  part  in  driving  Crook's  First  Division 
from  their  intrenchments,  became  separated  from  the  rest  of 
Kershaw's  Division,  and  did  not  join  in  their  charge  clown  the 


2l6  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

Union  works.  But  Early  had  no  stomach  to  renew  his  attacks. 
The  repulse  of  three  divisions,  and  the  formidable  strength  of 
the  position,  quelled  even  his  audacity.  He  supposed,  as  he  well 
might,  that  he  was  confronted  by  the  entire  Sixth  Corps,  and 
not  merely  by  one  weak  division  without  a  single  piece  of  artil 
lery.  He  sent  orders  to  Gordon  and  Kershaw  to  advance  and 
attack  the  right  flank  of  the  force  which  had  brought  him  to  a 
standstill,  while  Colonel  Carter,  his  chief  of  artillery,  posted 
battery  after  battery  on  the  high  ground  along  the  pike,  in  and 
near  Middletown,  until  two  score  guns  were  hurling  shell  and 
shrapnel  over  and  upon  the  thin  line  crouching  behind  the  crest. 
But  this  storm,  which  would  have  been  destructive  and  unbear 
able  in  a  level  or  open  position,  while  inflicting  some  loss,  only 
made  the  troops  hug  the  ground  the  closer,  without  shaking 
their  confidence  a  whit. 

At  this  juncture  Early,  with  half  his  army,  was,  if  not  on  the 
defensive,  at  least  brought  to  a  halt  in  front  of  Getty's  one  small 
division  of  infantry,  which  he  was  furiously  bombarding  with 
most  of  his  artillery  ;  while  the  other  half  of  his  army,  under 
Gordon  and  Kershaw,  had  driven  all  the  rest  of  the  Union 
infantry,  six  divisions,  from  their  positions,  and  had  put  them 
hors  de  combat  for  the  moment. 

Getty's  troops  sustained  this  iron  tempest  unflinchingly  for 
half  an  hour.  During  this  time  a  staff  officer  notified  him  that 
General  Ricketts  had  been  severely  wounded,  and  that  the 
command  of  the  Sixth  Corps  had  devolved  upon  him.  Thus 
far  he  had  manoeuvred  and  fought  his  troops  unaided  and 
without  orders,  nor  was  it  possible  that  he  could  receive  any, 
for  General  Ricketts  was  disabled  early  in  the  battle,  and 
General  Wright,  after  riding  back  from  the  rout  on  the  pike 
and  rejoining  the  First  and  Third  Divisions  of  his  corps,  was 
forced  to  retreat  with  them  and  the  Nineteenth  Corps  to  the 
right  and  rear. 

Determined  to  hold  his  position  to  the  last,  and  impressed 
with  the  importance  of  holding  the  enemy  in  check  r..s  long  as 


THE    BATTLE    OF    CEDAR    CREEK  217 

possible,  Getty  remained  with  his  own  division,  placing  General 
L.  A.  Grant  in  immediate  command  of  it  and  sent  orders  to 
the  other  divisions  to  conform  to  the  movements  of  the  Second. 
The  enemy,  making  no  more  infantry  attacks,  kept  up  his 
artillery  fire  for  half  an  hour,  when  some  scattering  musketry 
was  heard  on  the  right  flank,  and  Colonel  Warner  reported  that 
the  Confederates  were  driving  back  his  skirmishers  on  that 
flank  and  pushing  a  column  past  it.  Getty  had  not  a  man 
in  reserve.  He  had  not  a  gun.  His  entire  force  in  one  thin 
line  barely  sufficed  to  fill  the  position,  with  his  right  resting  on 
nothing  but  a  piece  of  woods,  —  good  only  as  a  screen,  but  a 
source  of  weakness  instead  of  strength  as  soon  as  the  enemy 
found  out  the  situation.  Nothing  remained  but  to  get  out,  and 
that  quickly.  Accordingly  Getty  ordered  the  troops  to  move 
to  the  rear  in  line.  Fortunately  the  artillery  fire  had  slackened 
somewhat,  and  the  movement  was  executed  by  Grant  without 
haste  or  difficulty.  Facing  by  the  rear  rank,  each  brigade 
marched  across  the  open  fields  for  half  a  mile  to  a  cross-road 
known  as  the  Old  Furnace  Road,  which  intersected  the  pike 
just  north  of  Middletown  and  extended  across  country. 
Here  they  halted  and  faced  about  ;  the  lines  were  readjusted, 
skirmishers  thrown  out  and  the  cartridge  boxes  refilled.  The 
enemy,  unconscious  of  the  movement,  was  still  shelling  the 
abandoned  crest.  By  this  time  the  fog  had  all  disappeared  and 
given  way  to  a  bright  sunny  day. 

One  loss,  but  that  a  severe  one,  marked  this  retrograde 
movement.  Just  as  it  began,  General  D.  D.  Bidwell,  command 
ing  the  Third  Brigade,  was  mortally  wounded  by  a  shell.  As 
colonel  of  the  49th  New  York  he  rose  to  the  command  of  the 
brigade  by  faithful  and  gallant  service.  Of  stalwart  presence, 
with  a  countenance  marked  by  firmness,  good  sense  and  kindly 
feeling,  always  careful  of  his  men,  and  cool,  steadfast  and  brave 
in  action,  he  had  won  the  love  of  his  command  and  the  esteem 
and  confidence  of  all.  The  whole  corps  mourned  his  death. 

Early,    it    will    be    recollected,    when    repulsed    by   Getty's 


218  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

stand,  called  upon  Gordon  and  Kershaw  for  aid  to  drive  the 
obstacle  from  his  path.  He  did  not  realize  the  full  measure  of 
their  astonishing  success.  Oblivious  or  regardless  of  the  fact 
that  no  troops  could  make  such  a  long  and  heroic  charge  and 
overcome  such  determined  resistance  without  suffering  heavy 
losses  and  becoming  more  or  less  disordered,  he  expected  them 
instantly  to  make  a  new  attack,  and  begrudged  them  the  time 
necessary  to  reform,  and,  more  discreditable  yet,  he  ever  after 
wards  persisted  in  reproaching  these  brave  soldiers  with  ill 
founded  charges  of  disorder  and  delay. 

In  fact,  they  reformed  and  advanced  in  surprisingly  short 
time,  and  it  was  their  movement  which  flanked  Getty's  position, 
and  compelled  him  to  withdraw. 

While  Getty  was  thus  successfully  maintaining  an  unequal 
contest  on  the  ridge,  the  other  divisions  of  the  Sixth  Corps  and 
the  Nineteenth  Corps  were  halted  and  reforming  in  separate 
bodies  far  to  his  right  and  rear,  as  already  narrated.  General 
Wright  ordered  these  troops  to  move  to  the  rear  and  left  in 
order  to  unite  them,  and  take  up  some  suitable  position  to 
secure  the  valley  pike,  that  vital  communication.  This  move 
ment  was  made  just  before  Getty  withdrew  from  the  ridge,  and 
just  as  Gordon  and  Kershaw  began  their  second  advance. 

Colonel  Crowninshield  says  that  after  seeing  Getty's  di 
vision  take  position  on  the  ridge,  he  rode  across  country  to 
the  right,  found  the  Nineteenth  Corps  there  on  a  hill,  reformed 
and  making  breastworks,  while  General  Emory  declared  that  he 
would  retreat  no  farther ;  that  he  remained  there  until  the 
corps  fell  back  under  orders  from  General  Wright ;  he  saw  the 
First  Division,  Sixth  Corps,  moving  back  also,  and  witnessed 
the  advance  of  Gordon's  and  Kershaw's  Divisions,  "who  were 
slowly  and  in  fine  order  coming  up  the  slope,  their  guns  throw 
ing  solid  shot  up  the  hill  at  Emory's  corps." 

General  Wright  at  9  A.M.  ordered  Torbert  to  throw  all  the 
cavalry  to  the  left  to  hold  the  pike. 

Finding  himself  still  isolated  and  unsupported  at  the  cross- 


THE  BATTLE  OF  CEDAR  CREEK         219 

road,  the  country  all  open  and  the  pike  a  quarter  of  a  mile 
distant,  after  a  rest  of  half  an  hour  Getty  moved  his  division 
by  the  flank  to  the  left  and  rear,  soon  reached  the  highway  and 
took  up  another  position  three  quarters  of  a  mile  north  of 
Middletown,  the  left,  the  Third  Brigade,  resting  on  the  pike, 
the  line  extending  at  right  angles  thereto  to  the  right,  across 
the  low  valley  of  Meadow  Brook,  up  the  farther  slope,  and  some 
distance  into  a  tract  of  open  woods,  the  Vermonters  in  the 
centre,  Warner's  First  Brigade  on  the  right.  Skirmishers 
were  thrown  out  well  to  the  front.  The  troops  set  to  work 
piling  up  rude  breastworks  of  rails,  rocks  and  earth,  and  although 
expecting  an  attack  at  any  moment,  all  drew  a  long  sigh  of 
relief,  feeling  that  now  the  pike  was  secured,  the  worst  was 
over.  One  gun  of  Lamb's  battery  took  position  behind  the 
line  and  began  replying  to  the  enemy's  batteries  in  Middletown. 

This  was  a  very  weak  and  exposed  position  ;  the  left  and 
centre  on  low  ground  dominated  by  that  in  front  and  on  the 
left,  and  the  right  simply  screened  by  the  woods,  but  a  small 
force  of  cavalry  on  the  left  of  the  pike  was  gallantly  breasting 
the  village,  and  Getty  took  up  the  most  advanced  position 
possible  to  support  them.  This  was  Devin  with  the  Third 
Brigade  of  the  First  Division  of  cavalry,  which  had  already 
joined  Moore's  brigade,  and  was  soon  after  reinforced  by 
Colonel  Charles  Russell  Lowell  with  the  reserve  brigade. 
Their  dismounted  troops  lined  the  stone  walls  in  the  outskirts 
of  the  village,  while  the  mounted  squadrons  and  horse  artillery 
boldly  took  position  in  the  open  fields  on  the  left,  as  though 
about  to  attack,  and  so  completely  did  the  aggressive  attitude 
of  these  brilliant  officers  impose  upon  Early  that  instead  of 
pushing  forward  his  available  and  ample  force  of  infantry  down 
the  pike,  he  posted  them  to  resist  an  attack  and  secure  his  right 
flank. 

Soon  after  Getty  took  up  his  last  position,  Kidd's  brigade,  the 
First  of  Merritt's  First  Division  of  cavalry,  arrived  and  took  post 
on  Devin's  and  Lowell's  left,  and  Custer,  leaving  Colonel  Wil- 


220  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

liam  Wells  of  the  ist  Vermont  Cavalry  with  three  regiments 
to  hold  Rosser  in  check,  moved  over  his  division  and  extended 
the  cavalry  line  still  farther  on  that  flank.  Moore's  brigade 
was  shifted  to  the  extreme  left.  Thus  one  division  of  infantry 
—  Getty,  —  held  the  right  of  the  pike,  and  two  divisions  of 
cavalry,  Merritt  and  Custer,  with  Moore's  brigade  of  Powell's 
division,  the  left. 

The  rest  of  the  infantry  meantime,  by  their  retrograde  move 
ment,  had  placed  themselves  as  follows  :  The  First  and  Third 
Divisions  of  the  Sixth  Corps  a  mile  in  rear  of  Getty,  and  next 
the  pike  ;  the  Nineteenth  Corps  somewhat  farther  to  the  rear 
and  right,  massed  and  awaiting  orders. 

Soon  afterwards  the  Second  Brigade  of  the  Third  Division, 
Sixth  Corps,  moved  up  and  extended  Getty's  line  to  the  right. 
Colonel  R.  B.  Hayes  with  about  sixty  men  of  his  division  of 
Crook's  corps,  whom  he  had  kept  together  all  through  the 
varying  fortunes  of  the  morning,  also  reported  to  Getty,  and  was 
placed  on  the  line  on  the  right  of  Warner's  brigade,  between  the 
Second  and  Third  Divisions.  After  the  rout  of  his  corps,  Hayes 
and  his  handful  of  brave  men  were  forced  over  to  the  right, 
there  joined  the  Third  Division  when  it  fell  back,  and  remained 
with  it  until  he  found  a  place  in  the  front  line. 

The  other  brigade  of  this  division,  the  First,  Colonel  William 
Emerson  of  the  1 5  ist  New  York  commanding,  in  the  withdrawal, 
in  passing  through  some  woods,  lost  sight  of  the  Second  Brigade 
which  was  nearest  the  pike  and  became  separated  from  it,  and 
with  the  First  Division  reached  the  pike  a  mile  in  rear  of  Getty's 
position,  as  already  stated,  while  the  Second  Brigade  struck  the 
highway  not  quite  as  far  back,  and  were  the  first  to  respond  to 
Getty's  order  to  conform  to  the  movements  of  the  Second 
Division. 

It  was  not  long  after  Getty  withdrew  from  the  ridge  he  had 
so  well  defended,  when  Ramseur  and  Pegram  cautiously  moved 
forward,  found  it  evacuated,  and  occupied  it.  Gordon  and  Ker- 
shaw  came  up  abreast  with  them.  Early,  unduly  apprehensive 


THE    BATTLE    OF    CEDAR    CREEK  221 

as  to  his  right,  shifted  a  large  part  of  his  troops  to  that  flank  and 
moved  forward  and  took  up  the  line  of  the  Old  Furnace  Road. 
Wofford's  Brigade  and  Wharton's  Division  with  Payne's  cavalry 
on  the  extreme  right,  held  the  line  on  his  right  of  the  pike, 
across  his  right  and  front  of  the  village  ;  then  came  Pegram 
across  the  pike  and  the  valley  of  Meadow  Brook,  then  Ramseur, 
then  Kershaw,  and  Gordon  held  his  left. 

The  enemy's  skirmishers  soon  closed  up  with  Getty's,  and 
from  time  to  time  a  brisk  firing  would  break  out.  His  batteries 
from  high  ground  on  both  sides  of  the  pike  and  in  Middletown 
kept  up  a  persistent,  well-aimed  and  very  uncomfortable  shelling, 
which  greatly  overmatched  the  horse-batteries  with  the  cavalry, 
and  compelled  them  to  change  positions  several  times.  Lamb's 
solitary  gun  behind  the  infantry  kept  up  a  show  of  answering,— 
more  for  its  moral  effect  than  for  any  real  good. 

About  10  A.M.  General  Wright  rode  up  to  Getty's  position. 
He  had  been  wounded  in  the  face  early  in  the  day,  and  the  lower 
part  of  it  was  swollen  and  bloody.  He  made  no  change  in  the 
disposition  of  the  troops. 

This  lull  in  the  battle  broken  by  artillery  firing  and  desultory 
skirmishing  had  lasted  about  two  hours,  when,  at  half  past  eleven, 
happening  to  be  looking  down  the  pike,  I  beheld  a  horseman  on 
a  powerful  black  charger  come  tearing  at  full  gallop  over  the  roll 
of  ground  and  up  the  road,  towards  the  front.  Behind  him  raced 
a  handful  of  riders  strung  out  in  single  file,  according  to  the 
speed  of  their  steeds.  As  he  drew  near,  leaving  the  highway, 
he  dashed  across  the  open  ground  to  the  little  group  consisting 
of  Getty  and  his  staff,  reined  up  his  panting,  smoking  steed,  and 
hastily  demanded  to  know  the  state  of  things.  In  a  few  words 
Getty  gave  him  the  salient  facts.  Without  further  pause, 
Sheridan,  —  for  it  was  he,  —  rode  down  to  the  line  of  battle  a 
hundred  yards  in  front,  and  in  a  ringing  voice  surcharged  with 
passion  and  confidence  cried  out :  "  Men,  by  God,  we'll  whip 
them  yet  ! — We'll  sleep  in  our  old  camps  to-night !  "  The  men 
sprang  to  their  feet  and  cheered  as  only  men  under  such  circum- 


222  CIVIL  WAR  PAPERS 

stances  can.  Instantly  a  mighty  revulsion  of  feeling  took  place. 
Hope  and  confidence  returned  at  a  bound.  No  longer  did  we 
merely  hope  that  the  worst  was  over,  that  we  could  hold  our 
ground  until  night,  or  at  worst  make  an  orderly  retreat  to  Win 
chester.  Now  we  all  burned  to  attack  the  enemy,  to  drive  him 
back,  to  retrieve  our  honor,  and  sleep  in  our  own  camps  that 
night.  And  every  man  knew  that  Sheridan  would  do  it. 

Sheridan,  as  already  stated,  left  Washington  at  noon  on  the 
1 7th  by  special  train  for  Martinsburg,  and  the  next  day  reached 
Winchester,  where  he  spent  the  night,  and  received  despatches 
from  Wright  that  all  was  quiet  at  the  front.  Artillery  firing  in 
the  direction  of  Cedar  Creek  was  reported  in  the  morning,  but 
this  was  attributed  to  the  reconnoissance  sent  out  by  Wright 
finding  the  enemy.  After  breakfast,  with  his  staff  and  escort, 
and  accompanied  by  Colonels  B.  S.  Alexander  and  George  Thorn 
of  the  Engineer  Corps,  he  started  to  ride  up  the  pike  to  rejoin 
his  army  at  Cedar  Creek.  Scarcely  had  the  cavalcade  cleared 
the  skirts  of  Winchester,  when,  on  surmounting  a  rise  of  ground, 
there  burst  upon  them  the  appalling  sight  of  crowds  of  wounded 
men  and  fugitives,  of  wagons  and  ambulances  thronging  the  road 
and  spread  widely  over  the  fields,  all  hurrying  to  the  rear,  the  first 
wave  of  wreckage  from  the  defeated  army.  Colonel  Wood,  the 
Chief  Commissary,  rode  up  just  from  the  front  and  reported  to 
Sheridan  that  everything  was  gone,  his  headquarters  captured 
and  the  troops  dispersed.  For  a  little  way  Sheridan  walked  his 
horse,  considering  whether  he  should  rally  his  troops  on  Win 
chester  as  they  came  falling  back,  and  attempt  to  make  a  stand 
there,  but  the  heroic  resolution  flamed  up  in  his  heart  to  go  to 
the  front,  try  to  restore  the  broken  ranks  of  his  troops,  or,  fail 
ing  in  that,  to  share  their  fate.  Directing  Colonels  Alexander 
and  Thorn  and  Colonel  James  W.  Forsyth  of  his  staff,  with  the 
bulk  of  the  escort,  to  remain  and  do  what  they  could  to  stop  the 
fugitives,  with  two  of  his  aids,  Major  George  A.  Forsyth  and 
Captain  Joseph  O'Keeffe,  and  twenty  of  the  escort  he  started 
for  the  front  at  a  gallop.  As  he  dashed  on,  now  up  the  high- 


THE  BATTLE  OF  CEDAR  CREEK         223 

road  and  now  over  the  fields  alongside,  when  the  way  was  blocked 
by  wounded  and  fugitives,  the  cry  rose  among  the  retreating 
crowds  that  Sheridan  was  back.  Mounted  officers  galloped  out  on 
either  side  of  the  pike  and  rallied  the  men  with  the  inspiring 
news.  Hundreds  at  once  turned  back,  with  enthusiasm  and 
cheers,  and  started  for  the  front,  and  a  tide  of  these  men  flowed 
up  the  pike  after  Sheridan,  towards  the  foe.  As  he  clashed  past 
the  crowds  Sheridan  at  times  took  off  his  hat  and  exclaimed  : 
"  If  I  had  been  with  you  this  morning  this  disaster  would  not 
have  happened.  We  must  face  the  other  way,  —  we  must  go 
back  and  recover  our  camps!" 

This  remark  seems  unjust  to  Wright  and  his  army.  Sheri 
dan  if  present  might  have  prevented  the  surprise  by  greater 
vigilance  and  better  picketing  on  the  left,  but  after  Early  had 
been  suffered  to  place  his  columns  in  position  and  surprise  the 
Union  army,  Achilles  himself  could  not  have  withstood  the 
terrific  force  and  fury  of  his  well-planned  attacks  until  they  had 
in  part  spent  their  force, —  until  Getty's  stand  had  checked  their 
victorious  course  and  made  it  possible  to  get  the  Union  army  in 
hand. 

Sheridan  reached  the  field  at  11.30  A.M.,  but  it  was  4  P.M. 
before  he  took  the  aggressive.  No  one,  impressed  with  the 
popular,  dramatic  legend  of  Sheridan's  exploit  at  Cedar  Creek 
would  imagine  that  over  four  long  hours  were  consumed  before 
he  brought  up  the  scattered  battalions  to  the  battle-line,  made 
his  dispositions  and  was  ready  to  strike.  Yet  such  is  the  fact, 
a  fact  not  less  creditable  to  the  sagacious  and  skilful  general 
than  the  popular  story,  while  the  moral  effect  upon  the  army 
of  his  inspiring  presence  has  never  been,  and  cannot  be 
exaggerated. 

Let  us  for  a  moment  review  the  situation  on  the  field  when 
Sheridan  arrived.  The  enemy  had  driven  the  whole  Union 
infantry  from  its  fortified  positions  and  camps,  with  the  loss  of 
twenty-four  guns  and  fifteen  hundred  prisoners,  had  dispersed 
Crook's  corps  completely,  and  severely  disordered  and  punished 


224  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

the  Sixth  and  Nineteenth,  had  met  with  scarcely  a  check  except 
the  repulse  of  his  attacks  on  Getty's  division,  and  advancing  in 
force  had  taken  up  a  new  and  strong  position  north  of  Middle- 
town.  His  infantry,  strongly  posted  behind  stone  walls,  ex 
tended  across  the  front  and  considerably  to  his  right  of  the 
village,  and  his  lines  stretched  away  to  his  left  across  and  far 
beyond  Meadow  Brook  until  lost  in  the  woods.  Wharton's 
Division,  with  Wofford's  Brigade  of  Kershaw's  Division,  held  the 
right ;  next  stood  Pegram's  Division  across  the  pike  and  reaching 
beyond  Meadow  Brook  ;  then  came  Ramseur's  Division  ;  then 
Kershaw's  and  Gordon's  held  his  left,  extending  to  Marsh  Run. 

He  displayed  forty  guns  planted  in  strong  and  commanding 
positions  along  this  line ;  Payne's  scanty  brigade  of  horse  cov 
ered  his  extreme  right.  All  that  part  of  the  line  in  front  of 
Middletown  and  as  far  as  the  woods  beyond  Meadow  Brook  was 
made  immensely  strong  by  the  heavy  stone  walls  which  lined 
the  Old  Furnace  Road  and  bordered  the  fields,  and  by  a  stone 
mill  at  the  crossing  of  the  road  and  brook.  Open  ground,  which 
must  be  crossed  by  an  attacking  force  without  cover,  extended  in 
front. 

There  was  every  reason  to  expect,  and  Sheridan  did  expect, 
that  Early  with  his  victorious  troops  rested  and  reformed  and 
deployed  and  united  in  one  strong  battalion,  would  move  onward 
to  the  attack  at  any  moment.  That  he  failed  to  do  so  was  the 
colossal  blunder  of  the  day,  which  gave  his  more  skilful  and 
vigorous  antagonist  the  opportunity  of  wresting  victory  from 
the  jaws  of  defeat. 

Confronting  this  formidable  and  threatening  array,  Sheridan 
found  nothing  but  Getty's  division  of  infantry  with  the  Second 
Brigade  of  the  Third  Division  and  the  handful  of  men  that  Hayes 
had  kept  together,  on  the  right  of  the  pike,  extending  in  a  single 
thin  line  across  the  brook  and  its  sunken  valley,  and  into  the 
open  woods  on  the  right  a  short  distance,  and  Merritt's  and 
Custer's  divisions  of  cavalry  on  the  left  of  the  pike. 

There  were  only   two   guns,   a   section   of    Lamb's    10  Ib 


THE    BATTLE    OF    CEDAR    CREEK  225 

Parrotls  in  rear  of  the  infantry,  which  coolly  fired  from  time  to 
time  in  order  to  impress  the  enemy  with  the  show  of  strength. 
The  horse  batteries  on  the  left  manfully  bore  the  brunt  of  the 
enemy's  superior  artillery,  and  although  several  times  forced  to 
change  position,  vigorously  kept  up  their  fire. 

"  I  found,"  says  Sheridan  in  his  report,  "  on  arriving  at  the 
front,  Merritt's  and  Ouster's  divisions  of  cavalry  and  General 
Getty's  division  of  the  Sixth  Corps  opposing  the  enemy.  I  sug 
gested  to  General  Wright  that  we  should  fight  on  Getty's  line 
and  to  transfer  Custer  to  the  right  at  once  .  .  .  that  the  re 
maining  two  divisions  of  the  Sixth  Corps  which  were  to  the 
right  and  rear  of  Getty  about  two  miles  should  be  ordered  up, 
and  also  that  the  Nineteenth  Corps  which  was  to  the  right  and 
rear  of  these  two  divisions  should  be  hastened  up  before  the 
enemy  attacked  Getty.  I  then  started  out  all  my  staff  officers 
to  bring  these  troops  back,  and  was  so  convinced  that  we  should 
soon  be  attacked  that  I  went  back  myself  to  urge  them  on." 

Under  his  vigorous  hand  the  troops  rapidly  moved  up  and 
prolonged  Getty's  line  to  the  right,  in  the  following  order  : 
Third  and  First  Divisions,  Sixth  Corps  ;  Second  and  First  Divis 
ions,  Nineteenth  Corps.  All  were  formed  in  one  line  except 
the  First  Division,  Sixth  Corps,  and  a  portion  of  the  Second 
Division,  Nineteenth  Corps,  which  were  in  two  lines,  but  before 
the  advance  the  Nineteenth  Corps  was  all  extended  in  one  line. 
Breastworks  of  rocks,  rails,  and  logs  were  hastily  thrown  up. 
Owing  to  the  losses  of  the  morning  the  artillery  was  greatly 
reduced.  Only  some  twenty  guns  could  be  mustered  with  the 
infantry. 

Far  back  on  the  left  of  the  pike  and  in  the  rear  of  the 
cavalry,  Crook's  troops  were  being  placed  in  line  as  fast  as  they 
could  be  assembled,  but  they  bore  no  part  in  the  shock  of  arms 
about  to  open,  except  part  of  his  artillery. 

Leaving  Merritt  to  confront  alone  the  enemy's  infantry  on 
the  left  of  the  pike,  Custer  moved  his  division  to  the  extreme 
right.  Colonel  Wells  was  still  holding  Rosser  in  check.  Him 


226  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

Custer  now  forced  back  by  a  sharp  dash,  and  then  took  position 
on  Emory's  right. 

The  opposing  line  extended  about  two  miles  across  a  rolling 
country,  much  of  it  wooded,  with  open  fields  interspersed,  and 
intersected  by  stone  walls. 

The  enemy  was  superior  in  artillery,  his  infantry  lines  over 
lapped  Sheridan's  on  both  flanks,  and  he  skilfully  strengthened 
his  position  by  taking  advantage  of  the  walls  and  by  breastworks. 

Fearful  as  to  his  right,  Early  had  placed  a  division  and  a 
brigade  of  infantry  wholly  on  his  right  of  the  pike,  where  they 
were  confronted  only  by  Union  cavalry,  so  that  he  had  four 
divisions  left  to  oppose  the  five  divisions  of  the  Sixth  and  Nine 
teenth  Corps.  Yet  considering  the  severe  losses  in  casualties 
and  stragglers  on  the  part  of  these  corps,  and  the  extent  of  the 
opposing  lines,  it  was  evident  that  the  Union  infantry  was  not 
more  than  equal  to  the  Confederate,  even  on  the  right  of  the 
pike,  while  the  advantage  of  position  was  altogether  with  the 
latter.  Sheridan's  infantry,  when  he  attacked,  did  not  exceed 
eight  thousand  or  eight  thousand  five  hundred.  Early  mustered 
one  thousand  more. 

At  the  suggestion  of  Major  George  A.  Forsyth  of  his  staff, 
Sheridan  now  rode  his  new  formed  line  of  battle  from  flank  to 
flank,  and,  by  his  inspiring  words  and  presence,  imbued  his 
troops  with  his  own  enthusiasm  and  confidence. 

These  dispositions  were  scarcely  completed  when  an  attack 
in  some  force  was  made  on  the  left  of  the  Nineteenth  Corps,  but 
was  repulsed.  Sheridan,  from  high  ground  on  the  left,  observ 
ing  the  movement,  sent  word  to  that  portion  of  his  line  to  be 
ready  to  meet  it  ;  and  to  make  all  safe  the  Vermont  Brigade 
was  withdrawn  from  Getty's  line,  moved  over  to  the  right,  and 
posted  in  rear  of  the  threatened  point,  while  two  regiments  of 
Getty's  Third  Brigade,  the  43rd  and  49th  New  York,  tempora 
rily  filled  the  gap  left  by  the  transfer.  The  attack  was  made 
about  one  P.M.,  and  on  its  repulse  the  Vermonters  returned  to 
their  former  position,  not  having  been  called  upon. 


THE    BATTLE    OF    CEDAR    CREEK  227 

This  attack  was  not  pressed  home.  General  Early  intrusted 
it  to  Gordon  with  discretionary  authority ;  and  that  officer,  on 
driving  in  the  opposing  skirmishers,  found  himself  confronted 
by  a  well-formed  and  continuous  line,  strengthened  by  breast 
works  to  some  extent,  and  wisely  gave  up  the  attempt.  And 
thereupon  Early  abandoned  all  idea  of  following  up  his  success 
further,  and  ordered  the  captured  artillery  and  trains  sent  back. 
The  prisoners  taken  in  the  morning  had  already  been  hurried 
to  the  rear. 

Sheridan  was  now  ready  to  attack,  but  stayed  his  hand  in 
consequence  of  a  report  that  the  enemy  was  advancing  a  heavy 
column  of  infantry  on  the  Front  Royal  Road  towards  Winches 
ter.  Altogether  incredulous  as  to  this  alarming  report,  yet 
mindful  of  the  threatening  message  taken  from  the  rebel  signal 
flags,  —  "  Be  ready  to  move  as  soon  as  my  forces  join  you,  and 
we  will  crush  Sheridan,  James  Longstreet,  Lieut.  Gen'l," 
Sheridan  deemed  it  best  to  ascertain  its  truth  or  falsity  before 
launching  his  army  into  the  vortex  of  another  great  fight. 

Powell,  it  will  be  recollected,  was  posted  before  the  battle 
on  the  Front  Royal  and  Winchester  Road,  with  his  Second  Bri 
gade  holding  Lomax  in  check,  and  guarding  the  mouth  of  the 
Luray  Valley,  while  Colonel  Moore  with  the  First  Brigade  was 
posted  on  his  right  at  Buckton  Ford.  Warned  of  the  enemy's 
morning  attack  by  the  heavy  firing  on  his  right,  he  held  his 
command  in  hand  awaiting  developments.  At  eight  A.M.  he  re 
ceived  notice  from  Colonel  Moore  that  he  was  obliged  to  fall 
back  to  Middletown.  At  nine  A.M.,  under  orders  from  Torbert 
to  fall  back,  he  slowly  retired  on  the  Winchester  and  Front 
Royal  Road,  some  five  miles  to  the  cross-roads  between  White 
Post  and  Newtown,  followed  by  Lomax  at  a  respectful  distance. 
Thence,  by  Torbert's  orders,  he  moved  across  country  three 
miles  to  Newtown,  but  was  immediately  sent  back  to  the  cross 
roads  by  that  officer  on  learning  of  Lomax's  appearance.  This 
rebel  cavalry  leader  had  been  fully  acquainted  with  Early' s  bold 
and  promising  plan  of  attack,  and  ordered  to  throw  his  force 


228  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

upon  the  valley  pike  in  rear  of  the  Union  army,  and  spread 
havoc  and  terror  there.  Although  at  the  head  of  twenty-five 
hundred  troopers,  opposed  only  by  one  brigade  of  horse,  and 
with  so  much  at  stake,  Lomax  spent  the  entire  day  in  feebly 
feeling  towards  Kernstown  and  Newtown,  until  at  last,  satisfied 
that  his  side  was  getting  the  worst  of  it,  he  retreated  across 
Buckton  Ford  and  thence  to  Front  Royal,  having  inflicted  upon 
his  antagonist  a  loss  of  one  man  killed,  one  wounded,  and  one 
taken,  —  total,  three. 

Nothing  was  lost  by  the  delay,  for  many  of  Crook's  men 
were  collected  and  joined  to  their  command ;  and  the  strength 
of  the  Sixth  and  Nineteenth  Corps  was  augmented  by  the  return 
of  men  who  had  gone  to  the  rear  early  in  the  day.  Several 
hundred  of  the  pickets  also,  who  had  been  cut  off  by  the  morn 
ing  attack,  now  rejoined  their  commands.  Just  before  the 
advance,  Colonel  Hayes  with  his  little  force  moved  back  and 
across  the  road,  and  took  post  with  the  rest  of  Crook's  men. 

Assured  at  last  that  nothing  need  be  apprehended  on  his  left 
rear,  Sheridan,  at  four  P.M.,  gave  the  order  to  attack.  He  in 
tended  a  general  attack  by  the  whole  line,  combined  with  a 
wheeling  and  turning  movement  to  the  left.  The  orders,  as 
transmitted  to  Getty,  and  doubtless  to  the  other  commanders, 
gave  clearly  the  plan,  and  directed  the  advance  to  commence  on 
the  left,  Getty's  division,  which  was  made  the  pivot  and  the 
directing  flank,  and  to  be  successively  taken  up  by  the  com 
mands  from  left  to  right.  Beginning  the  attack  on  the  left  was 
clearly  a  tactical  mistake.  If  the  movement  had  begun  on  the 
right  the  defeat  of  the  enemy  would  have  been  even  more  com 
plete,  and  without  the  severe  loss  on  the  Union  side  caused  by 
attacking  the  strongest  part  of  the  enemy's  position  first,  and 
before  the  flanking  movement  could  produce  its  effect. 

The  Union  troops  now  advanced,  and  a  severe  and  well 
contested  battle  ragecl  between  the  opposing  lines,  along  the 
two  miles  of  rolling  and  partially  wooded  country  covered  by 
them,  with  varying  fortunes  at  different  points,  for  over  an  hour, 


THE    BATTLE    OF    CEDAR    CREEK  229 

with  the  result  that  the  enemy's  troops  were  finally  forced  back 
in  several  places,  then  broken,  and  at  last  gave  way  and  fled  in 
the  utmost  disorder  across  the  plain  to  Cedar  Creek,  pursued  by 
the  triumphant  Union  infantry,  shouting  and  firing  in  scarce  less 
confusion.  So  rapidly  did  they  flee  that  the  powerful  cavalry 
on  each  flank  had  not  time  to  intercept  their  flight,  and  made 
no  captures  this  side  of  the  creek. 

It  is  impossible  to  narrate  all  that  occurred  on  so  extended, 
and  in  places  hidden,  a  battlefield.  Only  a  succinct  account  of 
the  part  borne  by  each  command  in  the  fight  can  here  be  at 
tempted,  bearing  in  mind  that  the  events  here  related  in  succes 
sion  took  place  simultaneously. 

Getty's  division,  having  to  begin  the  attack,  sprang  to  their 
feet  from  behind  their  rude  breastworks,  dressed  their  ranks, 
and  moved  steadily  forward  in  one  thin  blue  line.  They  were 
instantly  greeted  with  a  severe  fire  of  shell  from  the  enemy's 
guns,  soon  followed  by  the  opening  crash  of  his  musketry,  but 
without  answering  a  shot  the  veterans  swept  resolutely  on. 
The  cavalry  on  the  left  of  the  road  also  advanced,  but  \vere  un 
able  to  make  any  impression  on  the  enemy  ;  and  it  \vas  here 
that  Colonel  Charles  Russell  Lowell  met  his  second  and  fatal 
wound. 

The  Third  Brigade  on  the  left,  advancing  rapidly  past  the 
cavalry  on  its  left,  came  under  a  terrific  flanking  fire  of  artillery 
on  its  exposed  flank,  together  with  a  deadly  musketry  and  artil 
lery  in  front  ;  the  men  fell  in  heaps,  and  the  brigade  broke  and 
fell  back  to  the  starting  point.  Simultaneously  the  Third  Di 
vision  of  the  Sixth  Corps,  next  on  Getty's  right,  having  become 
somewhat  confused  in  advancing  and  guiding  on  the  left,  and 
unable  to  sustain  the  destructive  fire  of  the  enemy  secure  be 
hind  stone  walls,  also  broke  and  gave  back.  The  93rd  Regi 
ment  Pennsylvania  Volunteers,  right  regiment  of  Warner's 
First  Brigade  of  Getty's  division,  also  fell  back  in  confusion 
with  them.  But  the  centre  of  the  division,  the  staunch  Ver 
mont  Brigade,  and  the  remainder  of  Warner's  brigade,  although 


230  CIVIL  WAR    PAPERS 

brought  to  a  halt,  stood  firm,  and  with  the  utmost  coolness 
opened  so  well  sustained  and  effective  a  hail  of  musketry 
upon  the  gray  forms  crouching  behind  the  stone  walls  in  front, 
that  their  fire  visibly  slackened.  Thus  the  veterans  stubbornly 
held  their  ground  until  the  troops  on  right  and  left  rallied,  re 
formed  and  advanced  again  abreast,  when  the  whole  division 
pressed  forward,  and  after  a  severe  struggle  drove  the  enemy 
from  his  position  in  great  confusion  and  pursued  him  without  a 
pause  through  Middletown.  The  Third  Brigade  gave  way  be 
cause  they  came  within  a  vortex  of  fire  too  deadly  for  any  troops 
to  bear,  but  the  readiness  with  which  they  made  haste  to  rally 
and  advance  again,  spurred  on  by  the  generous  rivalry  which 
had  always  existed  between  them  and  the  Vermont  Brigade, 
proved  them  no  wise  inferior  to  their  gallant  comrades.  As 
they  again  rushed  forward,  the  enemy's  battery,  which  had 
shattered  their  left,  and  its  infantry  support,  were  seen  not  over 
fifty  yards  from  the  pike.  Portions  of  the  1st  Veteran  Maine, 
and  the  43rd  New  York  poured  a  hot  volley  upon  the  battery 
and  the  flank  of  the  supports,  and  they  hastily  fell  back. 

The  Third  Division  reformed  promptly  and  advanced  a  sec 
ond  time,  and  a  severe  musketry  fight  ensued  between  them 
and  the  enemy  for  three  quarters  of  an  hour,  while  the  First  Di 
vision  was  holding  its  ground  in  advance  on  their  right.  At  length 
General  Wright  in  person  peremptorily  ordered  the  division  to 
charge.  Under  cover  of  a  stone  wall  which  extended  between 
and  at  right  angles  to  the  opposing  lines,  a  small  force  led  by 
Captain  H.  W.  Day  of  the  io6th  New  York,  brigade  inspect 
or  of  the  First  Brigade,  and  Lieutenant  Colonel  M.  M.  Granger, 
1 22nd  Ohio,  was  thrown  on  the  left  of  the  opposing  line,  so  as 
to  gain  a  partially  enfilade  fire,  while  the  division  charged,  driv 
ing  the  enemy  and  taking  two  battle-flags  and  a  considerable 
number  of  prisoners. 

When  the  First  Division,  Sixth  Corps,  advanced,  it  was  in 
two  lines.  The  first  line  was  brought  to  a  halt  by  a  stubborn 
resistance,  but  at  length  both  lines  charged  together  and  forced 


THE    BATTLE    OF   CEDAR   CREEK  231 

the  enemy  back  some  distance.  Here  the  First  Division  was 
forced  to  halt  in  consequence  of  the  repulse  of  the  Third  Divi 
sion,  and  with  its  left  exposed  sustained  a  severe  fire  of  musket 
ry  and  artillery  for  some  time,  but  when  the  Third  Division  ad 
vanced,  they  too  attacked,  and  drove  the  enemy  in  their  front. 

During  the  advance,  Colonel  Tompkins  placed  Stevens'  5th 
Maine  Battery  of  light  twelves  and  Lamb's  section  of  ten-pound 
er  Parrotts  in  position  in  rear  of  Getty's  division,  and  Van 
Etten's  ist  New  York  Light  Battery,  and  Adams'  G  Battery, 
ist  Rhode  Island,  farther  to  the  right,  and  all  maintained  a 
rapid  and  effective  fire  until  the  enemy  gave  way. 

It  does  not  appear  that  the  Nineteenth  Corps  artillery  par 
ticipated  in  the  attack,  although  a  section  of  the  i7th  Indiana 
Light  Battery  and  what  was  left  (three  guns  without  caissons) 
of  the  ist  Maine  Light  Battery,  were  in  support. 

The  Nineteenth  Corps,  on  advancing,  met  with  the  same 
stubborn  resistance  as  the  Sixth.  The  enemy's  line  overlapped 
Emory's  right,  which  at  the  time  was  not  supported  by  the 
cavalry,  Custer  having  broken  his  connection  with  the  infantry 
and  drawn  off  to  the  right  to  attack  Rosser.  As  the  Nineteenth 
Corps  pressed  forward,  the  enemy  poured  a  severe  fire  into  the 
right  and  rear  of  the  flanking  brigade,  the  Second  of  the  First 
Division.  Colonel  McMillan,  its  commander,  promptly  wheeled 
his  brigade  to  the  right  and  above  the  flanking  force.  Evans' 
Brigade  of  Gordon's  Division,  which  fell  back  across  Cedar  Run, 
then  moving  to  the  left  he  regained  his  place  in  line.  After  a 
severe  struggle  the  corps  drove  the  enemy  from  his  strong  posi 
tions  and  through  the  woods,  and  its  right  emerged  upon  the 
high  open  ground,  overlooking  the  valley  of  Cedar  Creek, 
and  came  under  the  fire  of  the  Sixth  Corps  artillery  for  a  brief 
time,  until  it  could  be  stopped.  Sheridan  himself  cheered  on 
this  attack. 

The  enemy's  troops  were  now  everywhere  breaking  and  seek 
ing  safety  in  flight.  On  pushing  through  the  village  of  Middle- 
town,  the  fugitives  were  seen  half  way  across  the  plain  in  con- 


232  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

fused  masses,  many  running,  some  turning  an  instant  to  fire  back 
and  then  resuming  their  flight,  but  nowhere  the  semblance  of  a 
line  or  organized  body.  The  Union  infantry  pursued  without 
waiting  to  reform,  men  of  different  commands  all  intermixed, 
shouting  and  firing,  wild  with  the  exhilaration  of  victory,  as  far 
as  Cedar  Creek  and  the  old  camps. 

As  the  troops  were  driving  the  enemy  in  such  disorder 
through  Middletown,  a  prodigious  shouting  and  cheering  was 
heard  far  to  the  rear,  and  a  long  line  of  Crook's  men  could  be 
seen  on  the  left  of  the  pike,  advancing  over  the  plain  towards 
the  village. 

An  affecting  incident  occurred  when  Getty's  divisions  were 
pushing  through  Middletown.  A  woman  came  out  of  one  of  the 
houses  fast  holding  by  the  arm  a  tall  young  Vermont  soldier 
fully  equipped,  who  seemed  overjoyed  to  see  his  comrades,  yet 
somewhat  shamefaced  withal.  "  Here  is  my  guard,"  cried  she, 
weeping  and  laughing  by  turns,  in  a  high  state  of  excitement. 
"This  is  my  house-guard,  I  have  saved  my  house-guard,  I 
wouldn't  let  them  take  my  house-guard.  See,  —  here  he  is  all 
safe,  musket  and  all."  This  was  the  fact.  The  man  had  been 
posted  at  her  house  as  a  guard  before  the  battle,  and  was  caught 
there  when  the  enemy  occupied  the  village.  When  they  were 
about  to  march  him  off  as  a  prisoner,  the  woman  protested,  and 
made  such  an  outcry  that  they  desisted  and  left  him  unmolested, 
not  even  disarming  him.  It  was  the  practice  of  the  Sixth  Corps 
to  place  guards  at  the  houses  along  the  line  of  march  and  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  camps,  usually  one  man  at  each  house,  in  order 
to  protect  the  inhabitants  from  marauders  and  stragglers,  and 
these  guards  were  respected  not  only  by  them,  but  by  the  rebel 
guerrillas  and  scouting  parties  also.  Indeed,  it  was  understood 
that  Lee,  recognizing  the  benefits  of  this  practice  to  his  people, 
had  forbidden  any  one  to  molest  them. 

Crook's  Artillery,  Batteries  B,  5th  Massachusetts,  and  L,  ist 
Ohio,  under  the  able  direction  of  Captain  H.  A.  Dupont,  Chief 
of  Artillery,  taking  position  on  the  left  of  the  pike,  engaged  the 


THE  BATTLE  OF  CEDAR  CREEK         233 

enemy  at  close  quarters  until  he  fell  back,  and  then  followed  him 
so  closely  through  Middletown  that  they  were  the  first  guns  to 
reach  the  creek,  and  were  planted  on  the  height  on  the  right  of 
the  road  overlooking  the  stream  and  the  pike  winding  up  Hupp's 
Hill,  now  crowded  with  the  retreating  columns.  From  this 
point  they  opened  an  effective  and  demoralizing  fire  upon  the 
crowded  masses.  For  a  time  a  Confederate  battery  manfully 
replied,  firing  with  great  precision  and  inflicting  some  casualties. 
Among  others  Captain  Frank  C.  Gibbs  of  the  Ohio  battery  was 
severely  wounded,  but  the  cavalry  now  charging  across  the  bridge 
and  adjacent  fords  rapidly  dispersed  or  captured  everything  in 
sight. 

Merritt's  cavalry  division  advanced  on  the  left  of  the  pike, 
Lowell's  reserve  brigade  on  the  right,  next  the  road,  Devin's  Sec 
ond  Brigade  in  the  centre,  and  Kidd's  First  Brigade,  in  column  of 
regiments,  on  the  left,  but  were  unable  to  force  the  enemy  from 
his  strong  positions  behind  the  walls  and  inclosures  of  Middletown. 
Lowell  charged,  but  was  repulsed  with  considerable  loss,  and  here 
received  his  death-wound.  Twice  the  ist  and  6th  New  York  of 
Devin's  brigade,  says  that  officer,  charged  the  town,  and  each 
time  were  compelled  to  retire  under  the  terrible  fire.  At  length 
Kidd's  brigade  forced  back  the  line  and  a  battery  in  its  front,  al 
though  receiving  a  deadly  fire  from  infantry  in  the  woods  on  its  left. 
Passing  around  the  left  of  the  village,  the  cavalry  moved  forward 
to  the  creek.  Detachments  of  Kidd's  and  Lowell's  brigades 
pursued  those  portions  of  the  enemy  which  fled  by  the  fords  be 
low,  capturing  a  battle  flag  and  a  number  of  prisoners.  Devin 
first  reached  the  creek  at  the  bridge.  The  fugitives  were  already 
all  across,  so  hastily  they  fled,  and  were  forming  an  infantry  line 
athwart  the  road  on  the  other  side,  while  Dupont's  batteries 
were  vigorously  shelling  the  retreating  columns.  The  6th  New 
York,  gallantly  led  by  Lieutenant  Blunt  of  his  staff,  dashed 
across  the  bridge  and  charged  the  half  formed  line,  which  fired 
one  volley  and  broke  for  the  woods  on  the  left.  Other  regiments 
crossed  at  the  ford  below  the  bridge,  and  all  pushed  up  the  pike 


234  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

in  pursuit  as  the  shadows  of  falling  night  rapidly  dropped  upon 
the  scene. 

On  receiving  orders  that  the  general  advance  was  about  to 
commence  and  to  be  in  readiness  to  participate  in  it,  Custer,  who 
with  his  division  well  extended  was  on  Emory's  right,  closed  his 
lines  to  the  left  and  began  massing  his  troops  on  the  level  plain  in 
rear  of  the  ridge  which  overlooks  Cupp's  Ford.  At  this  juncture 
the  mounted  skirmishers  of  the  ever-present  Rosser  were  seen 
advancing  over  the  ridge.  Custer  promptly  drove  them  back 
and  discovered  Rosser  in  force  on  the  plain  next  the  creek,  one 
and  a  half  miles  from  Emory's  right.  Breaking  his  connection 
with  the  Nineteenth  Corps,  Custer  assailed  this  force  with 
Pierce's  battery  and  three  regiments  under  Colonel  Alexander 
C.  F.  Pennington,  and  forced  it  back  upon  the  stream,  where  it 
was  supported  by  the  fire  of  a  battery  of  four  guns.  "  From  the 
ridge  where  Pierce's  battery  was  posted,"  says  Custer  in  his  re 
port,  "  I  could  witness  the  engagement  between  our  and  the 
enemy's  line  of  battle.  It  was  apparent  that  the  wavering  in  the 
ranks  of  the  enemy  betokened  a  retreat,  and  that  this  retreat 
might  be  converted  into  a  rout.  For  a  moment  I  was  unde 
cided.  Upon  the  right  I  was  confident  of  my  ability  to  drive 
the  enemy's  cavalry,  with  which  I  was  then  engaged,  across  the 
creek ;  upon  my  left  the  chances  of  success  were  not  so  sure,  but 
the  advantages  to  be  gained,  if  successful,  overwhelmingly  greater. 
I  chose  the  latter.  With  the  exception  of  three  regiments  this 
entire  division  was  wheeled  into  column  and  moved  to  the  left  at 
a  gallop,  Pierce's  battery  following  at  a  brisk  trot.  .  .  .The 
design  was  to  gain  possession  of  the  pike  in  rear  of  the  enemy, 
and  by  holding  the  bridge  and  adjacent  fords,  cut  off  his  retreat." 

But  the  enemy's  lines,  already  broken,  were  falling  back  to 
wards  the  bridge  so  rapidly  that  Custer,  having  the  longer  dis 
tance  to  traverse,  was  unable  to  intercept  their  flight.  Crossing 
the  creek  at  a  ford  half  a  mile  above  the  bridge,  he  dashed  up 
the  hill  towards  the  pike  with  his  two  leading  regiments,  ist 
Vermont  and  5th  New  York,  charged  and  scattered  an  infantry 


THE    BATTLE    OF    CEDAR    CREEK  235 

line  which  the  enemy  was  striving  to  form,  and  without  a  pause 
sent  the  two  regiments  under  Colonel  William  Wells  charging 
up  the  pike.  At  this  moment  Devin  and  his  men  came  up  from 
their  dashing  charge  at  the  bridge  and  joined  in  the  pursuit  at 
a  gallop. 

It  was  now  quite  dark.  The  valley  pike  between  the  creek 
and  Strasburg,  over  Hupp's  Hill,  a  distance  of  two  and  a  half 
miles,  was  thronged  with  the  fugitives  and  the  retreating  artil 
lery  and  ambulances  hastening  away  from  the  disastrous  field. 
The  broad,  macadamized  limestone  highway,  compacted  like  a 
solid  rock,  resounded  and  re-echoed  under  the  iron-shod  hoofs 
of  the  galloping  squadrons  in  the  ears  of  the  beaten  and  flying 
rebels  as  though  ten  thousand  Yankee  troopers,  sword  in  hand, 
were  thundering  down  upon  their  defenceless  heads.  Dropping 
their  muskets  by  thousands,  abandoning  their  guns  and  teams 
in  the  road,  the  terrified  fugitives  scattered  right  and  left,  seek 
ing  refuge  in  the  fields  and  woods,  as  the  charging  column  with 
ringing  hoof -beats  and  clashing  scabbards,  and  shout  and  cheer 
and  carbine  shot  went  thundering  past. 

"The  darkness  of  the  night,"  says  Custer,  "  was  intense, 
and  was  only  relieved  here  and  there  by  the  light  of  a  burning 
wagon  or  ambulance  to  which  the  affrighted  enemy  in  his  de 
spair  had  applied  the  torch.  This  fact  alone,  while  it  dis 
heartened  the  enemy,  increased  the  ardor  and  zeal  of  our  troops, 
who,  encouraged  by  the  unparalleled  success  of  their  efforts, 
continued  to  urge  forward  their  horses  at  the  top  of  their  speed, 
capturing  colors,  guns,  caissons,  wagons,  ambulances,  and  im 
mense  numbers  of  prisoners." 

The  pursuit  never  slackened  until  Fisher's  Hill  was  reached, 
where  a  piece  of  artillery,  the  last  one  captured,  was  secured. 
Forty-five  pieces  of  artillery,  including  the  twenty-four  taken  by 
Early  in  the  morning,  hundreds  of  wagons  and  ambulances  and 
hundreds  of  prisoners  were  the  fruits  reaped  by  this  dashing 
and  vigorous  pursuit. 

Yet  while  giving  credit  to  the  brave  cavalrymen,  one  cannot 


236  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

refrain  from  admitting  the  part  taken  by  a  slight  accident,  with 
out  which  the  greater  part  of  Early 's  artillery  and  trains  would 
probably  have  escaped. 

Half  a  mile  beyond  Strasburg  the  pike  crosses  a  small  creek 
by  a  wooden  bridge  only  thirty  feet  long.  The  left  hand  or 
lower  side  of  this  bridge  was  broken  down,  but  over  half  of  it 
remained  intact  and  afforded  ample  and  safe  room  for  anything 
on  wheels.  Some  frightened  teamster  in  his  haste  had  driven 
too  near  the  broken  side  of  the  bridge,  running  the  wheels  on 
that  side  off  the  sound  part,  and  had  left  the  wagon  half  upset, 
hanging  on  the  edge,  the  lower  wheels  dangling  over  the  broken 
planks  and  the  stream.  A  single,  sturdy  shove  would  have 
thrown  it  over  and  cleared  the  way.  But  this  trifling  obstruc 
tion,  which  any  man  who  kept  his  head  could  have  cleared  away 
in  a  few  minutes,  blocked  the  whole  retreating  column  of  guns 
and  trains  behind  it,  by  which  the  road  was  jammed  full  for 
some  distance  in  an  almost  solid  mass. 

The  First  Division,  and  the  Fourth  Brigade,  Second  Divis 
ion  of  the  Nineteenth  Corps,  after  two  hours'  rest,  were  sent 
forward  to  Strasburg  to  aid  in  securing  the  immense  captures. 
The  other  troops  returned  to  their  old  camps  and  sought  needed 
rest  and  food.  What  alternations  of  fear  and  hope,  of  flight 
and  pursuit,  of  defeat  and  victory,  had  they  not  felt  in  the  space 
of  a  single  day  !  How  they  talked  over  the  varied  scenes  and 
emotions  that  they  had  passed  through,  lamented  the  loss  of 
comrades  tried  and  true,  and  exulted  over  their  success.  Well 
had  Sheridan  fulfilled  his  confident  words:  "Men,  we'll  whip 
them  yet ;  we'll  sleep  in  our  old  camps  to-night." 

But,  during  the  long  hours  of  that  damp,  chilly  autumn  night, 
Early's  beaten  and  scattered  soldiers,  exhausted  by  twenty-four 
hours  of  incessant  marching  and  fighting,  half  famished,  with 
hopes  and  spirits  crushed  by  their  overwhelming  defeat,  were 
wandering  singly  or  in  squads,  seeking  safety  by  flight,  in  the 
darkness,  through  woods  and  fields.  Many  crossing  the  river 
took  to  the  mountains  ;  many  avoiding  the  pike,  fled  up  the 


THE  BATTLE  OF  CEDAR  CREEK         237 

valley,  picking  their  way  across  country,  and  many  sank  ex 
hausted  and  despairing  on  the  ground,  gladly  surrendering  to  the 
Union  pickets  on  the  morrow  when  daylight  revealed  their  lurking 
places.  The  next  morning  the  roadsides  from  Cedar  Creek  to 
Strasburg  were  simply  lined  with  muskets  flung  away  by  the 
flying  troops.  The  beaten  enemy  continued  his  flight,  without 
semblance  of  order  or  formation,  twenty-five  miles  to  New 
market,  where,  as  Major  Jed.  Hotchkiss  says,  the  men  in  some 
degree  "sorted  themselves."  A  small  cavalry  force  remained 
over  night  at  Fisher's  Hill,  but  fell  back  on  the  approach  of 
Merritt's  division  the  next  morning. 

Early's  loss  was,  killed  and  wounded  (about)  2250 

Prisoners 1250 

3500 

Twenty-four  guns,  fourteen  battle-flags,  fifty-six  ambulances, 
were  captured,  and  many  wagons  and  ambulances  were  destroyed 
by  the  cavalry. 

General  Ramseur  was  mortally  wounded  and  captured,  and 
died  the  next  morning,  and  General  Culler  A.  Battle  was  wounded. 
The  Union  loss  all  told  amounted  to 

Killed 644 

Wounded 343° 

Captured 1591 

5661 

Of  the  Sixth  Corps,  General  D.  D.  Bidwell  was  killed  ; 
Generals  Wright  and  Ricketts  and  Colonels  Penrose,  Hamblin, 
and  R.  S.  McKenzie,  commanding  brigades,  were  wounded. 
Colonel  Thoburn  commanding  First  Division,  Crook's  corps, 
was  killed  ;  and  Colonel  Kitching  was  mortally  wounded.  Col 
onel  Charles  Russell  Lowell  was  mortally  wounded.  General 
Cuvier  Grover,  commanding  Second  Division,  Nineteenth  Corps, 
was  wounded. 

The  table  oi;  casualties  in  this  battle,  as  in  all  others,  throws 
much  light  upon  the  part  borne  by  the  several  commands. 

As  was  to  be  expected  from  the  surprise  of  the  attack, 
Crook's  corps,  including  Kitching's  force,  lost  mostly  in  pris- 


238  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

oners,  having  five  hundred  and  fifty-eight  officers  and  men  taken, 
four  hundred  and  two  killed  or  wounded  ;  total,  nine  hundred 
and  sixty. 

Three-fifths  of  the  prisoners  were  captured  on  the  picket- 
line  largely  in  consequence  of  their  own  lack  of  vigilance. 

The  Nineteenth  Corps  lost  even  more  prisoners,  seven  hun 
dred  and  ninety,  while  the  killed  and  wounded  amounted  to 
sixteen  hundred  and  ninety-three  ;  total  loss,  twenty-three  hun 
dred  and  eighty-three.  The  losses  in  killed  and  wounded  were 
heaviest  in  the  First  Division,  although  only  half  as  large  as 
the  second  in  numbers  ;  but  the  latter  lost  twice  as  many  pris 
oners  as  the  former.  The  Second  Division,  it  will  be  remem 
bered,  held  the  left  of  the  Nineteenth  Corps  position  on  the 
pike,  and  were  assailed  by  Kershaw  in  flank,  Wharton  in  front 
and  Gordon  in  rear,  almost  simultaneously. 

The  Sixth  Corps  lost  only  two  hundred  prisoners,  half  of 
whom  were  taken  on  picket,  an  entire  company  of  the  2d  Con 
necticut  Heavy  Artillery  being  surrounded  and  captured  by' 
Rosser  without  fault  of  its  commander.  It  lost  in  killed  and 
wounded,  nineteen  hundred  and  twenty-aix.  Getty's  division 
suffered  the  heaviest,  six  hundred  and  seventy-seven  ;  the  First 
Divison,  four  hundred  and  seventy ;  the  Third,  six  hundred  and 
sixty.  Getty's  division  met  with  its  greatest  loss  in  carrying 
the  enemy's  strong  position  at  Middletown  in  the  afternoon. 
But  taking  the  fighting  of  the  entire  day,  it  undoubtedly  in 
flicted  a  heavier  loss  upon  the  enemy  than  it  suffered.  The 
next  day,  according  to  the  report  of  the  division  ordnance  com 
mander,  Captain  Gifford,  nine  hundred  and  one  muskets  were 
gathered  up  from  the  ground  fought  over  by  the  division,  of 
which  four  hundred  and  sixty-one  were  Enfield  muskets,  —  an 
arm  peculiar  to  the  Confederate  infantry. 

Considering  the  really  important  part  borne  by  the  cavalry 
in  this  battle,  and  the  claims  often  advanced  that  the  cavalry 
saved  the  army  and  the  day,  one  is  astonished  to  learn  that  the 
entire  loss  of  the  three  divisions  aggregated  only  one  hundred 


THE  BATTLE  OF  CEDAR  CREEK         239 

and  ninety-six,  of  which  twenty-nine  were  killed,  one  hundred 
and  twenty-four  wounded  and  forty-three  captured.  Getty's 
single  division  suffered  about  four  times  the  loss  of  the  entire 
cavalry. 

Even  Custer  himself,  after  confronting  the  rebel  infantry  all 
the  morning,  first  on  the  right  and  then  on  the  left,  after  in  the 
afternoon  twice  attacking  and  then  driving  back  Rosser  after 
his  dashing  and  successful  charge  and  pursuit  on  the  pike, 
which  resulted  in  such  enormous  captures,  lost  just  two  men 
killed,  one  officer  and  twenty-three  men  wounded,  and  eight 
men  captured  ;  total  thirty-four  ;  while  Powell's  Second  Division 
lost  only  ten  men  all  told,  seven  of  whom  belonged  to  Moore's 
brigade,  which  first  held  the  pike  in  rear  of  Middletown. 

The  hardest  fighting  by  the  cavalry  was  done  by  Merritt's 
First  Division,  in  rear  of  Middletown,  on  Getty's  left.  Here 
Lowell,  nobly  aided  by  Devin,  held  the  rebel  infantry  at  bay 
for  hours,  lining  the  stone  walls  with  his  dismounted  troopers, 
and  repeatedly  though  fruitlessly  charging  the  enemy  at  the 
head  of  his  mounted  squadrons,  until  he  was  twice  wounded 
and  died  gloriously  pro  patria,  the  most  distinguished  and  the 
most  lamented  of  all  the  brave  men  who  fell  on  that  field. 
Merritt's  loss  was  one  hundred  and  forty-nine,  of  which  Kidd's 
First  Brigade  lost  eighty-eight,  Devin,  Second  Brigade,  twenty- 
four,  and  Lowell,  Reserve  Brigade,  thirty-seven. 

With  this  exception  it  may  be  said  that  Cedar  Creek  was  a 
great  infantry  fight  at  which  the  cavalry  assisted  by  their 
presence. 

Few  battles  afford  a  more  striking  instance  of  the  great 
moral  effect  that  can  be  produced  by  a  powerful  cavalry  when 
skilfully  manoeuvred  without  being  heavily  engaged,  and  that 
the  cavalry  was  handled  with  great  judgment  and  skill  on  this 
occasion  is  undeniable. 

When  Gordon  swept  everything  before  him  from  flank  to 
flank  of  the  Union  positions,  and  stood  triumphant  on  the  right, 
it  was  the  sight  of  the  cavalry  forming  across  the  country  on 


240  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

his  left  front,  with  the  infantry  rallying  behind  their  lines,  that 
deterred  him  from  instantly  following  up  his  success  and  made 
him  delay  further  advance  until  he  could  reform  his  troops,  dis 
ordered  by  their  long  and  successful  charge.  What  timely  and 
effective  aid  the  cavalry  rendered  in  encouraging  the  broken 
infantry  to  reform,  and  in  actually  stopping  hundreds  of 
fugitives  and  driving  them  back  to  their  colors  !  To  have 
hurled  the  cavalry  directly  upon  Early's  veteran  and  victorious 
infantry  would  have  been  simply  folly.  General  Wright 
evinced  sound  judgment  in  throwing  all  the  cavalry  on  the 
left  to  secure  the  pike,  for  that  was  a  vital  point,  and  the  most 
exposed.  And  what  could  be  finer  than  the  way  Lowell  and 
Devin  held  the  highway  at  Middletown  on  Getty's  left !  Un 
doubtedly  it  was  their  resolute  and  aggressive  attitude  and  the 
sight  of  Getty's  infantry  and  their  Sixth  Corps  crosses  which 
had  just  repulsed  three  of  his  divisions  so  roughly  that  de 
terred  Early  from  boldly  advancing  down  the  pike.  He  had 
ample  forces  in  hand,  the  three  divisions  of  Pegram,  Ramseur 
and  Wharton,  and  a  brigade  of  Kershaw.  The  cavalry  could 
not  have  withstood  their  onset,  and  then  Getty,  flanked  on  his 
left,  would  have  been  forced  back  and  his  fine  division  probably 
badly  crippled.  All  the  Union  forces  would  have  gone  tum 
bling  back  to  Winchester,  and  Early  would  have  reaped  all  the 
spoils  and  prestige  of  a  great  victory. 

For  several  hours  fortune  thus  tempted  Early,  but  he  failed 
to  seize  the  opportunity,  and  with  Sheridan's  arrival  it 
vanished. 

Dread  of  the  Union  cavalry  paralyzed  both  Rosser  and 
Lomax.  Colonel  Wells,  with  three  regiments,  held  the  former 
at  bay  all  the  morning,  and  the  latter  did  not  even  make  an 
effort  worthy  of  the  name.  The  enemy's  cavalry  was  so  com 
pletely  cowed  by  their  whipping  at  Tom's  Brook  that  it  has 
been  well  said  that  the  fruits  of  that  brilliant  fight  were  reaped 
at  Cedar  Creek. 

The  disposition  of  a  division  of  horse  on  each  flank  for  the 


THE    BATTLE    OF    CEDAR    CREEK  241 

final  attack,  showed  Sheridan's  accustomed  skill,  and  it  was 
not  their  fault  that  when  the  enemy  gave  way  he  fled  so  rapidly 
that  they  could  not  flesh  their  sabres  nor  intercept  his  flight. 
Yet  it  should  be  remarked  that  Merritt  could  make  no  im 
pression  on  the  enemy  until  the  universal  rout  occurred,  and 
that  Custer,  drawing  off  to  the  right  to  fight  Rosser,  left 
Emory's  right  unsupported  and  outflanked  by  the  enemy's 
infantry  lines,  and  only  the  prompt  change  of  front  by  his 
right  brigade  and  its  vigorous  attack  on  the  enemy's  flanking 
force  prevented  disaster  at  that  point. 

The  plain  fact  is  that  the  enemy's  infantry  in  a  hard,  stand- 
up  fight  of  an  hour,  in  which  they  had  the  advantage  of  num 
bers,  superior  artillery  and  position,  were  beaten  by  the  Sixth 
and  Nineteenth  Corps  and  driven  in  confusion  which  rapidly 
degenerated  into  rout.  The  knowledge  that  the  powerful 
Union  cavalry  might  cut  them  off,  and  perhaps  the  sight  by 
some  of  the  broken  line  on  the  left,  of  Glister's  column  gal 
loping  swiftly  across  their  left  rear,  undoubtedly  hastened  their 
flight. 

If  the  general  fight  had  commenced  from  the  right,  in 
stead  of  the  left,  it  is  hard  to  see  how  the  bulk  of  Early's  army 
could  have  escaped  capture.  Yet  the  fact  that  Sheridan  ordered 
it  the  other  way  is  enough  to  make  one  consider  well  before  he 
ventures  the  criticism.  Doubtless  he  designed  to  fully  engage 
and  occupy  the  enemy  all  along  his  line,  in  order  that  the 
turning  movement  might  be  the  more  unexpected,  irremediable 
and  decisive.  If  the  rebel  infantry  had  clung  to  their  position 
only  twenty  minutes  longer,  they  must  nearly  all  have  been 
captured. 

The  astonishing  success  of  Pearly' s  morning  attack  was 
fairly  earned  by  the  boldness  of  the  plan  and  the  remarkable 
skill,  precision  and  vigor  with  which  his  brave  troops  executed 
it.  It  was  a  fine  illustration  of  the  maxim  that  in  war  the 
boldest  often  succeeds  the  best.  Yet  it  could  not  have  suc 
ceeded  had  not  the  way  been  opened  by  the  inexcusable  care- 


242  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

lessness  and  mistakes  of  his  opponents.  And  first,  Crook's 
picket  line,  instead  of  being  pushed  out  in  front  of  Cedar 
Creek  a  mile  at  least  from  his  camps,  was  posted  along  the 
stream  less  than  half  that  distance  in  front  of  them.  Second, 
the  fact  that  the  greater  portion  of  the  pickets  was  captured  in 
the  first  rush  of  Kershaw's  Division,  proves  that  they  were 
unprepared  even  to  retreat,  far  less  to  resist.  The  day  after 
the  battle,  Getty's  division  occupied  an  advanced  post  at  Stras- 
burg,  and  many  fugitives  were  picked  up  as  his  pickets  were 
thrown  out.  Some  of  these  belonged  to  Kershaw's  Division, 
and  stated  that  when  they  advanced  in  the  morning  attack  they 
found  the  picket  reserves  fast  asleep  in  rail  pens,  and  captured 
them  all  without  firing  a  shot.  They  probably  supposed,  from 
the  report  brought  in  by  the  reconnoissance  the  day  before  the 
battle,  that  the  enemy  was  miles  away  retreating  up  the  valley, 
and  this,  while  it  cannot  excuse  such  negligence,  helps  to  account 
for  it.  On  the  other  hand,  officers  of  Crook's  command  claim 
that  the  alarm  was  given  by  the  pickets  a  good  half  hour  before 
the  attack.  It  is  probable  enough  that  some  of  the  outposts 
in  a  long  extended  picket  line  observed  and  reported  the 
presence  of  the  enemy,  but  if  so  the  reports  not  being  verified 
by  the  picket  reserves  were  treated  as  mere  alarms.  Certainly, 
had  the  pickets  been  properly  posted  and  duly  vigilant,  Ker- 
shaw  could  not  have  formed  his  lines  close  to  the  creek,  with 
out  their  knowledge,  nor  crossed  the  stream  without  such 
resistance  offered  by  the  reserve  lining  the  banks  as  would 
have  loudly  notified  all  of  the  attack  in  ample  time  to  prepare 
to  meet  it. 

Third,  the  fords  across  the  North  Fork  on  the  left,  just 
be'ow  the  mouth  of  Cedar  Creek,  should  have  been  strongly 
held  by  the  cavalry,  and  an  advance  post  or  picket  thrown  out 
to  occupy  the  roads  and  railroad  on  the  opposite  bank,  between 
the  river  and  the  mountain,  which  gave  direct  communication 
between  Strasburg  and  Front  Royal.  Instead  of  which,  Moore's 
cavalry  brigade  was  posted  two  miles  below  at  Buckton  Ford, 


THE  BATTLE  OF  CEDAR  CREEK  243 

and  only  a  few  viclettes  watched  the  fords  above  and  connected 
with  the  infantry  pickets.  In  fact,  Wright  was  unduly  appre 
hensive  as  to  his  right,  and  regarding  the  river  and  mountain  as 
a  protection  on  his  left,  never  thought  that  they  might  be  a 
cover  to  the  enemy's  attack.  Early's  plan  was  hardly  appre 
hensible.  Wright,  an  able  and  approved  soldier,  showed  more 
than  usual  vigilance  in  ordering  the  reconnoissance  at  daylight 
on  both  flanks. 

There  was  no  circumstance  to  which  Early  was  more  in 
debted  for  the  overwhelming  success  of  his  attacks  than  the 
early  morning  fog,  which,  overspreading  the  entire  field,  ren 
dered  it  impossible  for  the  Union  troops  to  discern  the  attacking 
columns  until  they  were  directly  upon  them,  or  to  distinguish 
friend  from  foe  at  any  distance,  to  know  the  positions  or  fate  of 
the  next  commands,  or  even  to  see  to  guard  their  flanks  until 
too  late.  In  a  word,  it  made  confusion  worse  confounded,  while 
the  enemy,  knowing  thoroughly  the  ground  and  the  Union  posi 
tions,  carrying  out  a  well-studied  plan,  and  taking  the  aggres 
sive,  were  free  from  such  perplexities.  Had  the  morning  been 
clear,  in  all  probability  the  Sixth  Corps  would  have  repelled  the 
attack  at  Meadow  Run  and  enabled  the  Nineteenth  Corps  to 
reform  there,  and  then  the  two  corps  would  have  advanced,  and 
in  a  fair,  stand-up  fight  on  the  open  plain  along  the  pike,  would 
have  driven  the  enemy  across  Cedar  Creek,  fortunate  indeed  if 
the  powerful  Union  horse  had  not  cut  off  his  retreat  to  Stras- 
burg,  and  forced  him,  with  the  loss  of  all  his  artillery  and  ambu 
lances,  to  take  refuge  in  the  Massanuttan  Range.  This  would 
have  surely  been  the  result  if  the  left  had  not  been  so  com 
pletely  and  culpably  surprised,  and  by  this  fact  the  real  temerity 
of  Early's  move  can  be  seen.  It  was,  in  fact,  one  of  those 
desperate  attempts,  which  nothing  but  dire  necessity  can  justify, 
and  nothing  but  success  can  prevent  from  being  condemned. 
Yet  Early's  situation  fully  justified  the  attempt.  The  morning's 
battle  was  a  most  remarkable  and  glorious  achievement,  and 
would  have  caused  him  and  his  army  to  live  long  in  story  and 


244  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

in  song,  had  it  not  been  overshadowed  by  the  afternoon's  reverse. 
How  he  failed  to  perfect  and  secure  his  victory  by  resolutely 
advancing  down  the  pike  beyond  Middletown,  has  already  been 
described.  Well  for  him  had  he  pressed  his  attack  with  the 
same  audacity  with  which  he  commenced  it.  Early's  critics, 
friend  and  foe  alike,  loudly  condemn  his  inaction  at  this  critical 
point,  now  that  they  all  see  the  situation  clearly  enough. 
But  things  appeared  very  differently  to  the  Confederate  com 
mander  in  the  skirts  of  Middletown,  as  amidst  the  fog  and 
smoke  he  saw  his  reserve  division  driven  back,  and  received  the 
report  of  Wharton,  its  commander,  that  his  troops  were  repulsed 
and  the  Sixth  Corps  advancing.  Early  supposed  that  the  whole 
Sixth  Corps,  and  not  merely  a  single  division,  confronted  him 
on  the  ridge.  He  did  not  know  the  full  success  of  his  flanking 
columns,  that  not  only  the  Eighth  and  Nineteenth  Corps,  but 
two  divisions  of  the  Sixth,  were  driven  far  to  the  right  and  rear, 
and  put  hors  dn  combat  for  the  time.  Under  these  circum 
stances,  with  such  light  as  he  had,  Early  acted  the  part  of  a 
prudent  and  skilful  general ;  acted  as  nine  good  generals  out  of 
ten,  standing  in  his  shoes,  would  have  done.  He  only  lacked 
the  intuitive  judgment  or  inspiration  of  genius.  And  next  to 
his  own  failure  to  advance,  his  greatest  misfortune  was  the 
arrival  of  Sheridan  on  the  battle-field,  but  for  which  he  would 
have  saved  all  that  he  had  gained,  at  least. 

Sheridan  it  was,  and  Sheridan  alone,  who  restored  the  con 
fidence  and  morale  of  his  army  at  a  bound,  ranged  the  dis 
jointed  commands  in  united  battle  order,  inspired  them  with  the 
determination  to  win  and  confidence  of  success,  and  hurled  them 
on  the  foe  with  such  vigor  and  skill,  that  the  more  he  resisted, 
the  worse  was  bound  to  be  his  defeat. 

And  it  was  Getty,  whose  prompt,  sound  judgment  in  seizing 
the  ridge,  and  steadfast  courage  and  tenacity  in  holding  it, 
arrested  the  enemy's  victorious  onslaught  and  paralyzed  the 
judgment  and  energy  of  the  Confederate  commander.  It  was 
Getty  who,  for  hours  unsupported  save  by  the  cavalry  on  his 


THE    BATTLE    OF    CEDAR    CREEK  245 

left,  unflinchingly  maintained  the  lino  which  alone  made  it  pos 
sible  for  Sheridan  to  retrieve  the  day. 

One  of  Sheridan's  first  despatches  to  Grant  after  the  battle 
contained  the  following  request  :  "  General,  I  want  Getty  of  the 
Sixth  Corps,  and  the  brave  boys,  Merritt  and  Custer,  promoted 
by  brevet  ;  "  and  in  his  report  and  memoirs  he  has  always  ac 
knowledged  Getty's  services  on  that  day. 

Early  has  endeavored  to  cast  the  blame  for  his  own  failure 
upon  his  troops,  alleging  that  they  stopped  and  scattered  to 
plunder  the  Union  camps  ;  and  his  aspersions  have  been  re 
peated  in  most  accounts  of  the  battle.  This  charge  can  only 
apply  to  Kershaw's  and  Gordon's  Divisions,  for  Ramseur  and 
Pegram  struck  far  in  rear  of  the  camps,  and  there  encountered 
Wheaton's  division,  First  of  Sixth  Corps,  which  they  drove 
back,  and  Getty's  division,  by  which  they  were  in  turn  repulsed  ; 
and  Wharton's  Division,  after  crossing  the  creek,  moved  directly 
by  the  pike  to  Middletown  and  attacked  Getty  on  the  ridge, 
and  was  also  thrown  off.  These  troops,  and  Wofford's  Brigade 
of  Kershaw's  Division  besides,  which  had  become  separated  and 
did  not  join  his  other  brigades  in  sweeping  down  Emory's  works, 
had  not  suffered  much,  and  were  in  good  order  and  perfectly 
available  for  any  movement.  And  although  Gordon's  and  Ker 
shaw's  troops  were  necessarily  exhausted  and  scattered  after 
charging  the  entire  length  of  the  Union  camps,  —  a  good  two 
miles,  —  and  overcoming  no  little  resistance,  it  took  that  officer 
only  an  hour  to  collect  and  reform  his  men,  advance  again,  and 
flank  Getty  out  of  his  position  on  the  ridge.  General  B.  W. 
Crowninshield,  2d  Massachusetts  Cavalry,  Sheridan's  provost 
marshal,  witnessed  this  advance,  and  speaks  with  praise  of  the 
admirable  order  and  steadiness  of  the  enemy's  troops.  It  is  evi 
dent  that  there  was  no  serious  delay,  straggling,  nor  demoraliza 
tion  among  them,  even  admitting  that  they  picked  up  the  shelter- 
tents,  blankets,  and  clothing  abandoned  by  Crook's  and  Emory's 
men,  and  stripped  the  dead.  None  of  the  other  Confederate 
officers  make  the  same  accusation,  and  several  indignantly  deny 


246  CIVIL  WAR    PAPERS 

it.  Wherefore  it  may  be  dismissed  as  grossly  exaggerated, 
equally  unjust  to  those  brave  and  tried  soldiers,  and  discredit 
able  to  the  beaten  general  who  uttered  it  to  excuse  himself. 
Somewhat  to  the  surprise  of  most  of  his  officers,  Sheridan  took 
no  steps  to  fix  upon  any  one  the  blame  of  the  reverse  of  the 
morning.  He  was  satisfied  with  the  result,  and  remarked  that 
"  the  accident  of  the  morning  turned  to  our  advantage  as  much 
as  though  the  whole  movement  had  been  planned." 

"This  battle,"  he  said  in  his  report,  "practically  ended  the 
campaign  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley.  When  it  opened  it  found 
our  enemy  boastful  and  confident,  unwilling  to  acknowledge 
that  the  soldiers  of  the  Union  were  his  equals  in  courage  and 
manliness ;  when  it  closed  with  Cedar  Creek,  this  impression 
had  been  removed  from  his  mind,  and  gave  place  to  good  sense 
and  a  strong  desire  to  quit  fighting.  The  very  best  troops  of 
the  Confederacy  had  not  only  been  defeated,  but  had  been 
routed  in  successive  engagements  until  their  spirit  and  esprit 
were  destroyed." 


THE  CAPTURE  OF  JACKSON 


THE   CAPTURE   OF  JACKSON 

BY 

LIEUTENANT    SETII    A.   RANLETT,   U.S.V. 

THE  movement  upon  Jackson  may  be  said  to  have  begun 
simultaneously  with  the  surrender  of  Vicksburg.  During  the 
investment  and  siege  of  this  stronghold,  a  large  force  of  Con 
federates  under  General  Joseph  E.  Johnston,  who  was  one  of 
their  ablest  generals,  was  threatening  to  fall  upon  the  besieging 
army,  and,  assisted  by  a  vigorous  sortie  of  General  Pemberton's 
forces,  unite  their  commands  and  rescue  the  latter. 

Such  a  movement  was,  in  fact,  planned  for  the  seventh  of 
July,  and  by  scouts  word  was  sent  to  General  Pemberton  on  the 
night  of  the  3d,  to  co-operate  with  Johnston's  attack,  but  too 
late,  for  negotiations  were  then  in  progress  for  the  surrender, 
and  on  the  5th,  upon  hearing  of  the  surrender,  instead  of  cross 
ing  the  Big  Black  River  to  attack  us,  Johnston  issued  his  orders 
to  retreat  upon  Jackson,  and  made  his  dispositions  to  defend  the 
Capital. 

General  Grant,  with  his  customary  foresight,  had,  some  days 
prior  to  the  surrender,  matured  his  plans  to  turn  upon  Johnston 
and  drive  him  from  the  State. 

For  this  purpose,  he  had  appointed  General  Sherman  to  lead 
the  expeditionary  force,  which  was  to  consist  of  his  own  corps, 
the  Fifteenth,  General  Ord's  Thirteenth  Corps  and  the  Ninth 
Corps  under  General  Parke,  to  which  was  temporarily  assigned 
General  Smith's  division  of  the  Sixteenth  Corps.  In  General 
Grant's  Official  Report  of  the  Vicksburg  Campaign  he  says  : 

"  Johnston,  however,  not  attacking,  I  determined  to  attack  him  the  moment 
Vicksburg  was  in  our  possession,  and  accordingly  notified  Sherman  that  I  should 

249 


250  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

again  make  an  assault  upon  Vicksburg  at  daylight  on  the  6th,  and  for  him  to 
have  np  supplies  of  all  descriptions  ready  to  move  upon  receipt  of  orders,  if  the 
assault  should  prove  a  success.  His  preparations  were  immediately  made,  and 
when  the  place  surrendered  on  the  4th,  two  days  earlier  than  I  had  fixed  for  the 
attack,  Sherman  was  ready  and  moved  at  once,"  etc. 

After  the  battle  of  Fredericksburg,  when  General  Burnside 
resigned  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  and  took  com 
mand  of  the  Department  of  the  Ohio,  he  asked  permission  to 
take  his  own  corps,  the  Ninth,  with  him. 

Two  divisions  of  the  corps,  the  First  and  Second,  went 
west,  the  Third  remaining  in  Virginia.  Four  Massachusetts 
Regiments,  the  2ist,  29th,  35th  and  36th  went  with  the  corps 
to  Kentucky,  but  only  the  three  latter  to  Vicksburg,  the  2ist 
remaining  in  Kentucky  during  that  summer,  so  fateful  to  the 
corps.  And  thus  our  two  divisions,  largely  composed  of  East 
ern  and  New  England  men,  found  themselves  a  part  of  the 
Army  of  the  Tennessee,  men  who  were  known  to  fame  as 
the  veterans  of  Shiloh,  Donelson  and  other  western  battles. 
They  were  disposed  to  look  upon  us  with  somewhat  of  con 
tempt,  and  there  was  little  cordiality  of  feeling  for  us  at  first ; 
under  their  high  slouch  hats  they  laughed  at  our  jaunty 
McClellan  caps.  In  set-up  and  soldierly  appearance  our  men 
were  greatly  their  superiors,  and  to  us  there  was  little  dif 
ference  in  their  looks,  save  in  the  color  of  the  dress,  from  the 
Confederates.  They  felt  annoyed,  too,  to  think  that  we 
had  been  summoned  from  the  east  to  help  them  out  of 
what  looked  like  a  bad  scrape.  Many  of  our  regiments  had 
been  in  the  war  from  the  very  first  and  bore  on  their  flags  the 
names  of  most  of  the  eastern  battles  from  Bull  Run  to  Fred 
ericksburg,  and  they  were  not  men  to  put  up  with  any  patron 
izing.  But  these  strained  relations  all  disappeared  after  the 
Jackson  affair,  and  we  returned  north  with  their  good  opinion 
and  soldierly  friendship  and  the  highest  encomiums  of  their 
officers. 

About  10  A.M.  of  the  4th  of  July,  while  we  were  rejoicing 
over  the  surrender  of  the  great  stronghold,  with  its  thirty  thou- 


THE    CAPTURE    OF   JACKSON  251 

sand  prisoners,  orders  came  for  us  to  move  at  once  in  light  march 
ing  order,  without  tents  or  baggage,  on  the  road  to  the  Big 
Black  River.  The  "general"  call  was  sounded  and  I  rode  out 
and  called  in  a  picket  of  our  regiment,  which  was  picketing  a 
road  leading  eastward  through  the  woods ;  a  very  uncanny  place 
it  was,  too,  in  the  night.  The  remainder  of  our  brigade,  which 
had  been  stationed  at  Oak  Ridge,  marched  without  waiting 
for  us,  and  so  rapidly  that  we  could  not  overtake  them  until  the 
next  day.  Ours  was  the  First  Brigade,  First  Division,  consist 
ing  of  the  /th  and  2/th  Michigan,  45th  Pennsylvania  and 
36th  Massachusetts.  It  was  commanded  by  Colonel  Henry 
Bowman  of  the  36th  and  his  assistant  adjutant  general 
was  Major  William  H.  Hodgkins.  Major  E.  T.  Raymond  was 
his  inspector  general.  The  36th  was  under  the  command  of 
Lieutenant  Colonel  John  B.  Norton  of  Charlestown,  who  had 
been  a  captain  in  the  5th  Massachusetts  at  Bull  Run,  a  brave 
and  popular  officer.  The  division  was  commanded  by  Brigadier 
General  Thomas  Welsh,  a  former  colonel  of  the  45th  Penn 
sylvania.  He  died  at  Cincinnati  just  after  our  Mississippi 
campaign  of  disease  contracted  therein. 

There  were  few,  if  any,  better  regiments  in  the  service  than 
the  45th  Pennsylvania,  and  between  it  and  ours  there  always 
existed  the  warmest  regard  and  even  affection,  as  peril  after 
peril  shared  together  produced  such  a  bond  as  only  soldiers 
know.  We  were  brigaded  together  from  the  beginning  to 
the  end  of  our  service.  They  welcomed  us  as  comrades  in  the 
mountains  of  Maryland  in  September,  '62  —  veterans  then  them 
selves  of  long  service,  and  escorted  the  regiment  to  the  boat  in 
Alexandria  in  June,  '65  when  it  left  for  home,  their  term  as  re- 
enlisted  veterans  still  incomplete.  These  few  words  may  per 
haps  appear  hardly  germane  to  the  subject,  but  they  may  make 
matters  to  be  spoken  of  later,  better  understood. 

The  movement  upon  Jackson  was,  therefore,  soon  in  full 
progress.  Three  full  army  corps,  with  plenty  of  artillery,  some 
cavalry,  and  with  General  Sherman  in  command  had  taken 


252  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

the  field,  unencumbered  with  any  baggage,  in  the  hottest  month 
of  the  year,  and  the  hottest  rebel  state. 

The  army  moved  in  three  columns  directly  east  to  the 
Big  Black  River,  the  Ninth  Corps  taking  the  roads  north  of  the 
railroad,  the  Fifteenth  Corps,  the  centre,  by  the  nearest  roads 
to  Messenger's  Ford,  and  the  Thirteenth  along  the  line  of  the 
railroad,  all  within  supporting  distance. 

The  country  over  which  our  column  marched  was  not  ill- 
adapted  to  military  movements,  being  comparatively  level  and 
not  swampy  except  near  the  river.  We  passed  over  some  very 
large  and  thrifty-looking  plantations,  through  corn-fields  of  vast 
extent  and  most  luxuriant  growth.  Standing  in  my  stirrups 
and  reaching  up  with  my  sword  I  could  not  touch  the  tops  of 
the  stalks.  This  afforded  us  plenty  of  fodder  for  our  animals, 
and  for  lack  of  other  food,  we  found  it  meant  roast-corn  for  our 
own  breakfast,  dinner  and  supper.  It  was  an  agreeable  change 
from  a  hard-tack  diet.  All  suffered  much  for  water;  the  intense 
heat  and  dust  naturally  created  an  intolerable  thirst,  and  the 
only  way  to  allay  it  was  to  chew  the  leaves  of  the  trees. 
As  the  Confederates  retreated  they  polluted  the  water,  leaving 
dead  animals  in  the  creeks  and  ponds  and  even  throwing  kero 
sene  and  filth  into  wells  and  cisterns.  Only  those  whose  lips 
have  cracked  and  tongues  swollen  with  thirst  know  what  it 
means  to  suffer  for  water. 

Upon  reaching  the  Big  Black  River  at  Birdsong's  Ferry  on 
the  6th,  our  brigade  was  detailed  to  build  a  bridge.  At  this 
point  the  river  was  not  very  wide  or  deep,  but  the  steep  banks 
made  it  difficult  to  approach.  Parties  scattered  in  all  directions 
and  returned  with  timber  and  boards  from  farm  buildings  and 
fence  rails.  These  were  floated  out  and  bound  together  with 
withes  in  such  a  way  that  a  floating  bridge  was  constructed 
strong  enough  to  bear  men  and  horses  passing  a  few  at  a  time. 
We  worked  all  day  and  night  of  the  6th  and  until  noon  of  the 
7th  on  this  bridge.  The  First  Division  had  passed  over  it 
safely,  and  two  brigades  of  the  Second  Division,  when,  as 


THE    CAPTURE    OF   JACKSON  253 

Durrell's  Battery  was  crossing,  the  bridge  suddenly  broke  and 
was  swept  away,  cutting  off  Colonel  Griffin's  brigade,  General 
Smith's  division  and  most  of  the  artillery.  This  was  sent  round 
to  Messenger's  Crossing  and  by  means  of  rafts  and  a  ferry-boat 
found  sunk  in  the  river  and  raised,  the  infantry  was  ferried  over 
during  the  afternoon  and  night  of  the  7th.  This  accident 
greatly  delayed  the  movement  of  the  corps,  which  was  forced 
to  halt  till  the  afternoon  of  the  8th  for  the  delayed  troops  and 
artillery.  The  day  we  crossed  the  river  the  heat  was  some 
thing  fearful  and  many  of  the  men  were  overcome  by  it.  Late 
in  the  afternoon  there  came  up  one  of  those  thunder  showers 
for  which  the  Black  River  valley  is  famous.  The  lightning  was 
appalling  ;  the  rain  fell  in  torrents  and  the  roads  soon  became 
little  better  than  a  quagmire.  No  orders  came  to  halt  and  the 
troops  plodded  on  as  best  they  could.  Some  of  the  artillery 
became  mired  and  badly  hindered  the  movement  of  the  infantry. 
Darkness  came  on  and  the  storm  continued,  showing  no  signs 
of  holding  up.  Finally,  Colonel  Norton's  horse  and  my  own 
became  terrified  and  unmanageable,  and  we  were  forced  to  dis 
mount  and  lead  them,  their  plunging  making  it  dangerous  for 
the  men  around  us.  It  was  at  this  time  that  Quartermaster 
Hawes  of  the  35th  Massachusetts  was  killed  by  a  falling 
limb,  and  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening  Major  Robert 
Parrett  of  the  zooth  Indiana  in  General  Smith's  division  was 
also  killed  by  a  falling  tree.  It  was  a  fearful  night,  and  though 
our  corps  in  its  campaigning  over  six  states  saw  some  pretty 
tough  times,  no  one  has  ever  questioned  the  fact  that  that 
night  "  took  the  cake."  At  length  the  order  came  to  go  into 
bivouac,  and  our  brigade  marched  into  an  old  cotton-field,  ankle- 
deep  in  mud,  and  stacked  arms. 

After  much  hard  work  some  fires  were  started,  and  then  fol 
lowed  a  dipper  of  hot  coffee,  a  good  soldierly  growl,  a  pipe, 
and  —  sleep.  Many  graphic  incidents  of  this  march  upon 
Jackson  are  and  will  ever  be  in  my  memory,  and  alone  would 
make  a  lengthy  story,  but  I  must  pass  them  over  and  come  to 
the  event  to  which  they  all  led. 


254  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

Jackson,  the  capital  of  Mississippi,  is  situated  on  the  west 
or  right  bank  of  the  Pearl  River,  forty  miles  east  of  Vicksburg  : 
an  important  junction  of  railroads  from  north  to  south  and 
east  to  west.  It  is  pleasantly  situated  in  an  undulating  coun 
try,  a  commanding  site,  overlooking  the  adjacent  territory.  In 
addition  to  the  State  House  there  were  the  Insane  Asylum, 
Deaf  and  Dumb  Asylum,  City  Hall,  and  many  fine  private 
residences.  It  was  not  only  a  commercial,  but  a  manufacturing 
centre,  with  car-shops,  cotton  warehouses  and  factories.  Its 
loss  would  mean  the  loss  of  Mississippi  to  the  Confederates,  to 
say  nothing  of  the  moral  effect,  and  it  was  expected  that  it 
would  be  desperately  defended.  During  the  siege  of  Vicksburg, 
and  in  anticipation  of  its  fall,  the  capital  had  been  fortified  by 
a  line  of  rifle-pits  and  forts  on  the  three  sides,  north,  west  and 
south,  the  Pearl  River  covering  the  east  side.  This  fortified 
line  extended  around  the  city  about  a  mile  distant  from  it,  not 
far  enough  out  really  as  a  protection  against  artillery.  At 
several  points  of  the  line  forts  had  been  constructed  by  skilful 
engineers  and  embrasured  for  many  guns,  and  these  were 
manned  with  heavy  artillery,  some  pieces  as  large  as  64  pound 
rifled  siege-guns.  I  bear  in  memory  one  of  these  guns  that 
gave  us  no  rest  :  even  when  in  reserve  its  missiles  found  us,  and 
it  required  constant  watching.  Their  rifle-pits  were  so  planned 
as  to  take  advantage  of  every  slight  elevation,  zig-zagged  so  as  to 
command  every  approach,  and  trees  and  bushes  had  been  cut 
away  in  front  and  slashed,  making  a  natural  and  almost  impen 
etrable  abatis. 

Within  these  defences  were  four  strong  divisions  of  infan 
try,  cavalry  and  artillery,  all  veterans,  under  Generals  Loring, 
French,  Walker,  and  Breckenridge,  numbering,  according  to  an 
official  report  of  June  25th,  31,226  officers  and  men;  with 
ample  field  and  siege  artillery.  Included  in  this  number  was 
the  cavalry  division  of  thirty-six  hundred  under  General  Jackson, 
operating  in  the  field  outside  the  city.  It  largely  outnumbered 
the  cavalry  with  General  Sherman,  and  compelled  him  to 


THE    CAPTURE    OF   JACKSON  255 

detach  infantry  to  meet  threatened  attacks  upon  trains  coming 
from  the  rear  with  ammunition  and  supplies.  Our  entire  force, 
according  to  an  official  report  of  June  3Oth,  numbered  48,935 
officers  and  men :  not  much  superior  to  Johnston's,  considering 
that  his  forces  fought  behind  powerful  intrenchments. 

Our  cavalry  numbered  only  twenty-six  hundred  and  was 
under  command  of  Colonel  Cyrus  Bussey  of  the  30!  Iowa 
Cavalry. 

For  six  days  the  army  pushed  steadily  forward,  necessarily 
with  caution,  and  ready  at  any  moment  to  form  line  of  battle  ;  hav 
ing  an  enemy  in  front  who  might  be  heavily  re-enforced  by  troops 
from  General  Lee  or  Bragg;  an  enemy,  too,  of  veterans  led  by  an 
able  general,  who  would  gladly  lead  us  into  a  trap  if  possible. 

We  were  short,  also,  of  ammunition,  the  trains  being  far 
behind  and  a  battle  and  check  might  have  been  serious.  But 
we  all  had  great  faith  in  Uncle  Billy,  or  "  Old  Tecump  "  as  some 
of  the  Western  men  called  him.  On  we  tramped,  over  the 
burning  roads  and  in  the  intolerable  dust,  or  perhaps  through 
shady  bottom  lands  among  great  trees  hung  with  Spanish  moss, 
and  then  across  cotton  or  corn  fields,  an  object  of  never  ending 
interest  to  the  plantation  blacks  who  thronged  the  road-side  and 
knew  that  liberty  followed  our  flags  ;  greeting  Massa  Linkum's 
sogers  with  "  hallelujahs  "  and  antics  of  joy,  both  ludicrous  and 
pathetic  at  the  same  time. 

It  was  about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  July  roth  when 
the  Ninth  Corps,  the  First  Brigade,  First  Division  leading, 
debouched  from  the  woods  into  the  open  country  in  sight  of  the 
Capital.  In  all  my  experience  I  cannot  recall  a  more  glorious 
sight  than  we  looked  upon  then  and  there.  An  open  valley 
stretched  away  to  our  front,  through  which  from  north  to 
south  ran  the  Jackson  and  Northern  Railroad.  Far  away 
beyond  the  distant  slopes,  covered  with  suburban  residences, 
clumps  of  woods,  corn-fields  and  gardens,  we  saw  the  city  of 
Jackson.  Down  the  valley  to  our  right,  their  muskets  flash 
ing  in  the  light  of  the  westering  sun,  and  colors  waving  in 


256  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

the  breeze,  our  comrades  of  the  Thirteenth  and  Fifteenth  Corps 
were  deploying  into  line  of  battle,  while  in  our  and  their  front, 
the  active  forms  of  the  skirmishers,  covering  the  entire  battle 
line,  were  pushing  ahead  and  feeling  for  the  enemy.  Our  line 
was  quickly  formed  and  advanced,  the  First  Brigade  on  the 
right  of  the  division,  the  45th  Pennsylvania  skirmishing  on  our 
front,  the  36th  Massachusetts  holding  the  extreme  right  of  the 
division. 

Continuing  our  line  to  the  left  was  the  Third  Brigade,  the 
2d,  8th  and  2oth  Michigan,  79th  New  York  and  looth  Penn 
sylvania.  The  First,  Second  and  Third  Brigades  of  the  Second 
Division,  commanded  respectively  by  Colonel  Simon  G.  Griffin, 
Brigadier  General  Edward  Ferrero,  and  Colonel  B.  C.  Christ, 
followed  in  our  support. 

As  we  moved  forward  we  established  connection  with  Colonel 
Hick's  brigade  of  General  Smith's  division,  the  46th  Ohio 
being  on  our  immediate  right,  and  along  the  front  of  this  division 
was  the  6th  Iowa,  Colonel  John  M.  Corse's  regiment,  deployed 
as  skirmishers,  and  commanded  by  Colonel  Corse  in  person. 

As  our  line  advanced  down  the  slope  and  cleared  the  way, 
the  artillery  came  out  of  the  woods  and  went  into  battery  on 
the  crest  of  the  ridge  in  our  rear.  Directly  in  rear  of  the  First 
Brigade  we  could  see  Lieutenant  Benjamin  executing  the  move 
ment  of  "  action  front  "  with  his  big  20  pounder  rifled  Parrotts, 
those  pets  of  the  corps,  Battery  E  of  the  2d  U.  S.  Artillery, 
whose  guns  had  thundered  at  Antietam  and  many  other  eastern 
fields.  All  at  once  as  we  continued  our  advance  and  reached 
the  railroad  the  great  guns  opened,  and  over  our  heads  the 
shells  went  screaming  into  and  beyond  the  wooded  crest  upon 
which  we  were  moving  and  from  which  we  expected  to  receive 
a  heavy  fire.  But  much  to  our  surprise,  General  Johnston  had 
chosen  not  to  risk  a  battle  in  the  open,  and  was  falling  back  into 
his  intrenchments.  The  skirmishers  were  sufficient  for  the 
work  and  drove  back  the  Confederates  so  fast  that  the  main  line 
could  hardly  keep  up  with  them.  The  centre  was  held  back  and 


THE    CAPTURE    OF   JACKSON  257 

the  two  wings  advanced,  the  line  becoming  a  semi-circle,  so  as 
to  rest  upon  the  river  above  and  below  the  city  and  completely 
invest  its  northern,  western  and  southern  sides  :  this,  however, 
was  not  fully  accomplished  until  the  I3th. 

As  we  steadily  advanced,  crossing  the  railroad  and  the  two 
county  roads  called  the  Livingston  and  Canton  Roads,  our  regi 
ment  came  up  squarely  against  the  State  Lunatic  Asylum,  a 
large  white  marble  building.  The  keepers  had  fled  at  our  ap 
proach,  needlessly,  locking  the  wretched  inmates  in  their  cells. 
The  firing  of  the  skirmishers  under  their  very  windows,  the 
booming  of  cannon,  and  unwonted  spectacle  of  war,  had  wrought 
the  poor  wretches  up  to  a  pitiable  state  of  excitement.  As  we 
passed  under  the  windows,  the  screams  and  curses  were  horrible 
to  listen  to,  and  added  a  new  terror  to  the  day.  Guards  were  at 
once  placed  upon  the  building  to  keep  out  all  intruders,  and  dur 
ing  the  battle  which  raged  for  a  week  in  sight  of  the  Asylum, 
no  harm  came  to  the  patients. 

It  was  growing  late  and  the  lines,  somewhat  broken  by  our 
rapid  advance,  were  halted,  supports  closed  up,  alignments 
rectified,  a  strong  picket  and  reserve  thrown  out  and  operations 
ended  for  the  day. 

Coffee  was  brought  up  by  the  company  cooks  and  the  men 
were  soon  lying  down  in  line  of  battle  with  loaded  muskets  by 
their  sides,  ready  to  fall  in  at  any  moment  to  the  long  roll 
of  the  drums,  and  sleeping  to  the  music  of  the  sharp  and  con 
stant  firing  of  the  pickets. 

At  the  first  sign  of  daylight  on  the  iith  the  men  were 
aroused  and  the  advance  movement  continued. 

General  Parke  was  ordered  to  move  up  as  close  as  possible 
to  the  enemy,  without  assaulting  their  works  or  bringing  on  a 
general  engagement,  which  it  seemed  General  Sherman  did  not 
desire.  This  was  very  quickly  done.  In  very  little  more  time 
than  it  takes  to  write  it,  our  division,  in  the  same  order  as  the 
day  before,  with  General  Smith's  division  on  the  right,  without 
firing  a  shot  except  from  our  skirmishers,  advanced  directly  to 


258  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

the  front,  driving  a  strong  line  of  Confederates  behind  their 
earthworks,  and  halted  on  a  wooded  ridge  about  two  hundred 
yards  from  their  line.  Here  we  received  a  heavy  fire  from 
their  artillery  and  sharpshooters,  but  lying  low  their  fire  mostly 
passed  over  and  did  us  little  damage.  Here  we  continued 
to  lie  through  this  entire  day.  Some  of  our  men  are  lying 
there  still,  where  we  buried  them  that  night. 

In  General  Sherman's  Official  Report  he  says,  —  "  It  was  no 
part  of  the  plan  to  assault  the  enemy's  works,  so  that  the  main 
bodies  of  infantry  were  kept  well  in  reserve  under  cover,  whilst 
the  skirmishers  were  pushed  forward  as  close  as  possible,  lead 
ing  to  many  brisk  skirmishes,  which  usually  resulted  in  the 
enemy  taking  refuge  within  his  works." 

I  think  there  was  no  other  engagement  during  the  war  of 
the  length  of  duration  and  forces  engaged,  so  well  entitled  as 
this  one  to  be  called:  "The  Battle  of  the  Skirmishers." 

Being  wholly  ignorant  as  we  were  of  the  general's  plans  and 
supposing  the  object  of  our  movement  was  to  capture  or  defeat 
Johnston's  command,  having  our  enemy  on  the  run  and  the 
esprit-dit-corps  of  the  army  being  at  its  very  best,  it  was  matter 
of  wonder  to  us  why  we  were  held  back  just  as  we  had  brought 
our  foe  to  a  stand.  There  was  some  pretty  emphatic  talk 
among  us  as  we  lay  there  idle  through  that  trying  day,  a  passive 
target  for  their  artillery  and  marksmen.  It  was  hinted  that 
General  Sherman,  sharing  the  prejudice  of  the  western  troops, 
did  not  dare  or  care  to  trust  our  corps  to  attack  in  earnest, 
even  fearing  our  possible  success. 

The  ease  with  which  we  had  forced  them  back  into  their 
works  led  us  to  believe  that  a  vigorous  assault,  well  supported, 
would  have  carried  them  and  so  saved  us  a  week  of  severe  fight 
ing,  constructing  of  field  works,  rifle-pits  and  approaches  to 
their  line.  Probably  we  were  wrong  in  our  suspicions,  as  it 
appeared  later  that  General  Sherman  hoped  to  hold  Johnston 
there  until  he  had  destroyed  the  railroads  north  and  south,  then 
gradually  to  work  around  his  flank  and  rear,  and  so  force  a 
surrender. 


THE    CAPTURE    OF   JACKSON  259 

These  very  tactics  he  used  the  next  year  in  the  Atlanta 
campaign,  against  General  Johnston.  The  enemy's  superiority 
in  cavalry  would  have  made  it  very  difficult,  if  not  impossible, 
to  cross  the  Pearl  River,  and  so  extend  our  lines,  which  were 
none  too  strong  as  it  was.  On  the  contrary,  there  were  some 
pretty  weak  points  in  it  and  General  Sherman,  soon  realizing 
this  fact,  sent  back  for  more  troops.  General  McArthur's 
division  of  McPherson's  corps  came  forward,  two  brigades 
arriving  at  Jackson  the  I4th,  and  one  brigade  halting  at  Cham 
pion's  Hill,  ready  to  come  if  needed.  The  line  we  were  holding 
could  not  have  been  less  than  five  miles  long,  and  it  is  my  candid 
opinion  that  it  was  very  fortunate  for  General  Sherman's  fame 
that  there  was  no  Stonewall  Jackson  with  his  old  division  in 
our  front. 

About  10  o'clock  A.M.  it  was  found  necessary  to  re-enforce  our 
skirmish  line,  the  45th  Pennsylvania  having  been  on  duty 
many  hours  and  hard  pushed.  Companies  A  and  F  of  the  36th 
under  command  of  Captain  William  F.  Draper  of  Company 
F,  were  ordered  out.  Captain  Draper  was  informed  that  the  line 
with  which  he  was  to  connect  was  about  one  hundred  yards  in 
advance.  He  deployed  his  men  and  advanced  rapidly  in  the 
face  of  a  severe  fire,  until  he  found  himself  confronting  the 
main  line  of  the  enemy.  There  were  no  signs  of  our  skir 
mishers  to  right  or  left,  and  satisfied  that  there  must  be  some 
misunderstanding  of  the  enemy's  position  he  withdrew  his  men 
to  a  point  midway  between  the  hostile  lines,  but  not  until  he 
had  suffered  a  loss  of  two  killed  and  seven  wounded  (one 
mortally)  of  his  own  company. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  at  this  time  the  enemy's  line 
was  but  partly  developed,  the  ground  was  very  uneven,  cut  up 
by  ravines,  dense  undergrowth,  here  and  there  an  opening,  but 
very  blind  country  :  much  worse  in  our  front  than  to  the  west 
or  south.  Both  the  adjutants  of  the  /Qth  New  York  and  /th 
Rhode  Island  went  through  the  lines  by  mistake  and  were 
captured. 


260  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

At  the  same  time  that  Captain  Draper  advanced,  Colonel 
Norton,  finding  that  we  were  without  any  troops  on  our  right 
flank,  sent  me  to  see  if  I  could  find  any,  as  the  firing  in  that 
direction  seemed  heavy. 

The  ground  just  here  was  very  much  broken,  a  ravine  run 
ning  off  to  the  right  and  a  tangled  undergrowth  masking  every 
thing  in  that  direction.  I  had  gone  but  a  short  distance  when 
I  struck  the  skirmishers  of  Colonel  Hicks'  brigade  almost  parallel 
with  our  main  line,  and  this  was  the  line  which  Captain  Draper 
had  gone  out  far  in  advance  to  find.  They  were  in  a  growth  of 
young  scrub  oak  about  breast  high  and  had  evidently  attracted 
the  especial  attention  of  the  enemy,  for  the  firing  on  both  sides 
was  red  hot.  I  found  an  officer  in  command  and  told  him  our 
skirmishers  had  just  gone  out  far  to  the  front,  expecting  to  con 
nect  with  him.  He  said  he  could  not  advance  another  foot  : 
two  of  his  men  had  just  fallen  (I  saw  them  lying  there),  the 
fire  being  from  the  enemy's  sharpshooters  and  very  close  and 
deadly. 

I  returned  to  our  line  and  shortly  afterwards  our  own  skir 
mishers  were  forced  to  fall  back,  as  above  stated.  I  have  some 
times  thought  that  those  jack-oak  bushes  in  that  intensely  hot 
July  sun,  with  the  whistling  bullets  and  roar  of  battle  on  all 
sides,  was  about  as  near  an  approach  to  a  material  hell  as  I  ever 
care  to  get. 

Sometime  during  the  morning,  Lieutenant  Benjamin  came 
up  and  studied  the  ground  where  we  lay  to  see  if  there  was  any 
room  to  place  his  guns.  For  a  short  distance  in  our  front  there 
was  a  little  clearing,  but  it  was  commanded  and  swept  by  a  most 
deadly  fire  of  sharpshooters  posted  in  trees  in  the  enemy's  line. 
It  would  have  been  death  to  every  horse  in  his  battery  to  have 
attempted  to  haul  his  guns  out  there,  and  a  useless  sacrifice. 
He  finally  placed  them  on  a  ridge  about  one  hundred  yards 
directly  in  rear  of  us  and  opened  fire  over  our  line,  the  big 
shells  tearing  through  the  trees,  lopping  off  limbs  that  fell 
among  us  and  made  things  very  uncomfortable.  Some  of  his 


THE    CAPTURE    OF   JACKSON  261 

shot  were  so  low  that  we  began  to  question  which  of  our  fronts 
was  most  dangerous,  and  finally  Colonel  Norton  sent  me  with 
his  compliments  to  the  lieutenant,  and  "would  he  be  kind 
enough  to  elevate  his  guns  a  little?"  "  He  would  with  pleas 
ure"  -  but  as  by  that  time  he  had  shot  away  the  tops  of  most 
of  the  trees,  he  had  cleared  a  path  for  his  shells  and  they  gave 
us  little  more  trouble. 

So  the  day  wore  on  and  about  4  o'clock  in  the  afternoon 
Captain  Draper  was  relieved  by  the  i/th  Michigan  Regiment. 
They  had  hardly  taken  their  position  than  they  were  hand 
somely  charged  by  the  Confederates.  Companies  E  and  K 
of  the  36th  under  Captain  Warriner  re-enforced  the  i^th 
and  the  enemy  was  repulsed.  Just  before  dark  a  heavy 
thunder  shower  came  up.  As  if  in  fear  that  we  might  improve 
the  opportunity  of  the  rain  to  make  a  general  assault,  the 
enemy  opened  with  all  their  artillery,  to  which  ours  promptly 
replied.  The  roar  of  heaven's  artillery,  the  torrents  of  rain, 
the  crash  of  grape  through  the  trees  and  the  bursting  shells 
combined  with  the  sharp  rattle  of  musketry  to  make  such  a 
scene  as  even  a  battle  rarely  presents.  About  9  o'clock  that 
evening,  Captain  Warriner  sent  back  for  ammunition.  The 
lines  were  very  close  together  and  the  firing  was  constant.  I 
took  a  box  half  full,  about  five  hundred  rounds,  which  was  as 
much  as  I  could  carry,  and  started  out  for  the  picket  line.  It 
was  intensely  dark,  the  trees  and  bushes  dripping  wet,  and  the 
only  way  to  find  the  line  was  to  watch  for  the  flash  of  the  rifles. 
Floundering  around  with  my  load  of  nearly  fifty  pounds,  stopping 
from  time  to  time  to  rest  and  take  my  bearings,  by  good  luck  I 
at  length  came  right  upon  the  reserve  of  the  picket.  There 
were  some  negro  cabins  about  midway  between  the  hostile  lines 
and  both  sides  were  disputing  their  possession.  The  "  John 
nies  "  would  make  a  rush  and  hold  them  a  while  and  then  our 
boys  would  rally  and  clean  them  out.  From  the  noise  made 
that  night  it  would  not  surprise  me  at  any  time  to  hear  that  a 
placer  lead  mine  had  been  discovered  in  that  region.  As  the 


262  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

place  was  not  especially  conducive  to  health  and  long  life  I  did 
not  remain  a  great  while  to  see  the  fun,  but  groped  my  way 
back  to  the  main  line. 

During  this  clay  there  was  some  very  sharp  fighting  on  our 
left  by  the  Third  Brigade  of  our  division,  commanded  by 
Colonel  Daniel  Leasure  of  the  looth  Pennsylvania. 

As  their  line  advanced  with  ours  in  the  morning  the  2d 
Michigan  was  deployed  as  skirmishers  and  flankers  to  the  front 
and  left.  The  brigade  advanced  until  with  us,  it  drew  the  fire 
of  the  enemy's  artillery  and  then  halted,  as  ordered.  But  the 
brave  men  from  Michigan  did  not  halt,  but  dashed  forward, 
drove  the  enemy  into  their  rifle-pits,  out  of  them,  and  back  into 
their  main  line,  which  also  fell  back  into  their  works.  They 
then  looked  around  for  their  supports  and  found  they  had  none. 
The  fighting  had  been  most  desperate,  hand  to  hand,  and  some 
of  the  men  had  fallen  close  up  to  the  enemy's  works.  There 
was  nothing  to  do  but  get  out  of  the  scrape,  and  they  did  so 
under  a  terrible  fire,  with  the  loss  of  fifty-nine  killed,  wounded 
and  missing  out  of  less  than  two  hundred  engaged. 

Colonel  Leasure  says  in  his  official  Report  :  "  At  the  very 
moment  when  the  gallant  2d  Michigan  Regiment  was  enter 
ing  the  enemy's  lines,  I  received  an  order  to  halt  where  I 
was,  as  General  Sherman  said  we  had  already  advanced  farther 
than  he  intended  we  should  at  that  time  —  as  the  right  of  the 
investing  army  had  not  yet  got  sufficiently  forward.  I  had 
no  doubt  then,  nor  have  I  now,  that  if  that  order  had  not 
arrived  at  that  moment,  in  twenty  minutes  the  First  Division 
would  have  been  in  the  city,  or  at  least  held  the  heights  that 
command  it." 

It  would  be  interesting  to  quote  Colonel  Corse's  official 
account  of  the  movements  on  the  nth,  of  General  Smith's 
division,  at  our  right,  as  well  as  of  his  later  account  of  the 
1 6th,  when,  being  in  command  of  the  entire  skirmish  line  of 
the  division,  with  his  own  regiment  and  the  97th  Indiana 
(of  Colonel  Cockerill's  brigade)  supported  by  the  48th  Illinois 


THE    CAPTURE    OF   JACKSON  263 

and  4<Dth  and  46th  Ohio,  he  made  a  most  gallant  and  suc 
cessful  reconnoissance,  pushing  up  very  close  to  the  enemy's 
line  and  obtaining  valuable  information.  He  handled  his  com 
mand  with  such  skill  that,  although  exposed  from  1 1  A.M. 
till  late  in  the  afternoon  to  a  close  fire  of  artillery  and 
musketry,  his  loss  was  only  one  hundred  killed,  wounded 
and  missing.  From  a  special  order  of  General  Smith  to 
Colonel  Corse  I  make  this  extract  :  "I  cannot  too  highly  com 
mend  the  gallantry  you  have  displayed  in  two  successful  charges 
you  have  made.  The  true  heart  swells  with  emotions  of  pride 
in  contemplating  the  heroism  of  those  who,  in  their  country's 
cause,  charge  forward  under  the  iron  hail  of  half-a-dozen  rebel 
batteries  and,  exposed  to  a  murderous  fire  of  musketry  from 
behind  strong  intrenchments,  capture  prisoners  under  their  very 
guns."  In  this  action  our  lamented  companion  and  past  com 
mander  displayed  that  same  fertility  of  resource,  coolness  of 
thought  and  action,  and  dauntless  heart,  that  within  a  year  later 
at  Allatoona,  "held  the  fort  "  and  gave  him  a  national  renown. 

Time  will  not  permit  me  to  relate  many  instances  of  brave 
fighting  and  gallant  charges  during  the  seven  days  we  confronted 
the  enemy,  gradually  advancing  our  lines  and  ready  at  any  mo 
ment  for  the  general  assault  which  we  knew  was  to  come.  I  will 
only  speak  of  the  sad  and  unsuccessful  affair  on  the  extreme 
right  of  General  Ord's  corps.  This  was  one  of  those  lamentable 
occurrences  of  which  there  were  too  many  during  the  war  where 
"  somebody  blundered."  It  took  place  about  9  A.M.  of  the  I2th, 
and  seems  to  have  been  due  to  ignorance  of  the  enemy's  position, 
no  proper  reconnoissance  having  been  made.  The  line  of  invest 
ment  on  the  right  was  not  yet  extended  to  the  river.  Briefly 
the  situation  was  this  :  The  Confederate  defences,  after  crossing 
the  railroad  a  mile  below  the  city  at  an  angle  from  north-west 
to  south-east,  instead  of  turning  directly  east  to  the  river,  as 
was  supposed,  continued  in  a  south-easterly  direction  for  a  half 
mile  and  then  turned  sharply  north-east  to  the  river. 

Colonel  Isaac  C.  Ptigh's  brigade,  consisting  of  the  3d  Iowa, 


264  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

28th,  4 1st  and  53d  Illinois  and  5th  Ohio  Battery,  of  General 
J.  G.  Lauman's  division,  Thirteenth  Corps,  crossed  the  New 
Orleans  and  Jackson  Railroad  about  two  miles  south  of  Jack 
son  and  was  ordered  to  advance  and  connect  with  the  right 
of  General  Hovey's  division,  west  of  the  road,  a  half  mile  to 
the  north,  and  presumably  a  half  mile  from  the  enemy's  main 
line.  With  the  left  of  this  brigade  on  the  railroad  and  skir 
mishers  thrown  out,  he  advanced  a  half  mile  through  timber 
and  dense  undergrowth  without  opposition  and  without  finding 
General  Hovey's  right.  Suspicious  that  all  was  not  right, 
Colonel  Pugh  halted  his  command  at  the  edge  of  an  open  field 
and  awaited  supports  and  orders.  General  Lauman  came  up 
and  ordered  him  forward.  When  crossing  the  open  field  the 
enemy's  pickets  were  met  and  driven  back,  and  presently  a 
murderous  fire  from  twelve  guns,  Cobb's  and  Slocum's  Batteries 
at  three  hundred  yards,  open  upon  the  devoted  brigade.  At 
the  same  time  a  deadly  flank  fire  came  from  the  iQth  Louisiana, 
320!  Alabama,  1st  and  3d  Florida  and  4/th  Georgia  of  Adams' 
and  Stovall's  Brigades  of  General  Breckenridge's  Division.  In 
face  of  this  whirlwind  of  lead  and  iron  the  brigade  charged  up 
to  within  seventy-five  yards  of  the  works,  when  it  neither  could 
advance  or  would  retreat.  For  twenty  awful  minutes  it  lay 
there,  melting  away,  and  then  the  survivors  fell  back,  the  3d 
Iowa  alone  saving  their  colors,  but  losing  one  hundred  and  four 
teen  out  of  two  hundred  and  forty-one  who  went  into  the  action, 
while  the  loss  in  the  other  regiments  was  in  the  same  propor 
tion.  Colonel  Pugh  reported  officially  a  loss  of  four  hundred 
and  sixty-five  out  of  eight  hundred  and  eighty  officers  and  men 
engaged  or  53%  of  his  command.  Of  the  53d  Illinois  —  of 
two  hundred  men  who  went  into  action  —  only  sixty-six  came 
out.  Colonel  Earle  was  killed  and  the  lieutenant-colonel  severe 
ly  wounded.  The  4ist  Illinois  had  forty  killed,  one  hundred  and 
twenty-two  wounded,  and  Major  Long  killed.  The  28th  Illinois, 
of  eight  companies  present,  one  hundred  and  twenty-eight  men, 
had  seventy-three  killed  and  wounded  and  sixteen  missing. 


THE    CAPTURE    OF   JACKSON  265 

Many  wounded  who  might  have  been  saved,  lay  in  the  hot 
sun  all  the  i2th  and  I3th  and  until  noon  of  the  I4th,  and  died 
without  attention,  the  ground  being  unapproachable  from  either 
side  and  swept  by  both  the  Union  and  Confederate  fire. 

Who  was  to  blame  for  this  sad  affair  we  never  knew.  General 
Lauman  received  the  blame  at  the  time  and  was  ordered  home. 
General  Sherman  said  it  "  resulted  from  misunderstanding  or 
misinterpretation  of  General  Ord's  minute  instructions  on  the 
part  of  General  Lauman."  My  remembrance  is  that  the  opinion 
in  the  army  there  was  that  General  Ord  was  responsible  and 
that  Lauman  was  the  scapegoat.  About  noon  of  the  I4th  Gen 
eral  Johnston  sent  out  a  flag  of  truce,  asking  a  suspension  of 
hostilities  for  three  hours  in  order  to  bury  the  Union  soldiers 
killed  in  that  fatal  charge.  The  rapid  decomposition  of  so 
many  bodies  in  a  hot  July  sun  had  infected  the  air  for  a  long 
distance,  annoying  the  living  equally  on  both  sides.  The  truce 
was  granted  and  until  4  P.M.  all  firing  ceased  along  the  lines  and 
the  hostile  pickets  met  and  exchanged  compliments  and  badinage, 
and  some  of  the  Confederates  improved  the  opportunity  to  ask 
our  men  to  take  letters  and  mail  them  to  northern  relatives. 

In  the  Confederate  correspondence  a  letter  of  July  I2th  from 
General  Johnston  to  General  Breckenridge  contains  these  words  : 
"  Do  me  the  kindness,  also,  to  express  to  the  ist,  3d  and  4th  Flor 
ida  and  4/th  Georgia  Regiments  the  pride  and  pleasure  with  which 
I  have  accepted  the  splendid  trophies  they  have  presented  me." 

Not  long  ago  I  read  in  the  papers  of  the  return  by  the  Con 
federate  captors  of  the  flag  of  the  53d  Illinois  to  its  survivors. 
Would  that  the  brave  fellows  who  went  into  that  fatal  trap  and 
saw  their  flags  go  down  in  blood,  could  also  have  been  returned 
safe  and  sound. 

Our  division  was  relieved  on  the  morning  of  the  I2th  by  the 
Second  Division,  and  during  that  day  and  the  1 3th  lay  in  reserve 
not  far  in  the  rear,  within  easy  range  of  their  artillery  that  occa 
sionally  sent  shells  and  solid  shot  over  to  us.  The  days  were 
intensely  hot  and  all  suffered  much,  water  being  very  scarce  and 


266  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

what  there  was  being  muddy  and  lukewarm.  The  Pearl  River 
was  too  far  away  to  be  of  any  service  to  us.  Operations  had 
now  settled  down  into  the  nature  of  a  siege  and  when  we  relieved 
the  Second  Division  on  the  I4th,  it  was  in  rifle-pits.  Meantime, 
night  and  day,  our  artillery  was  busy.  Every  battery  in  position 
was  ordered  to  fire  one  shot  every  five  minutes,  and  some  days 
as  many  as  three  thousand  rounds  were  fired  into  Jackson  and 
the  Confederate  lines. 

The  effect  of  this  tremendous  cannonade  for  a  week  can  be 
no  better  expressed  than  in  General  Sherman's  own  words : 
"The  city  is  one  mass  of  charred  ruins." 

It  will  be  understood,  without  going  into  details  of  the  many 
bold  advances  of  our  skirmishers,  that  many  available  positions 
were  secured  to  plant  our  artillery,  and  not  only  in  our  lines 
of  the  Ninth  Corps,  but  along  the  front  of  the  Fifteenth  and 
Thirteenth  Corps,  our  batteries  had  been  advanced  to  within  four 
hundred  yards  of  the  enemy's  intrenched  line,  and  were  enabled 
to  enfilade  many  parts  of  their  line  and  keep  down  their  fire. 

The  guns  of  General  Ord's  corps  and  Steele's  division  of 
tne  Fifteenth  Corps,  took  Walker's  and  Loring's  line  in  reverse, 
and  those  of  General  Blair's  division  as  well  as  Smith's  did  as 
much  for  General  French.  The  guns  of  General  Osterhaus' 
division  directed  to  the  right,  enfiladed  the  entire  line  of  Breck- 
enridge's  Division,  and  the  persistent,  never-ending  fire  from  our 
guns  was  a  very  severe  strain  upon  the  morale  of  the  Confeder 
ate  forces. 

Every  sortie  they  made  was  bloodily  repulsed,  for  our  infan 
try  was  closed  up  and  ready  at  a  moment's  warning  to  engage 
the  enemy.  No  part  of  the  city  or  of  the  enemy's  line  was 
beyond  the  reach  of  our  guns,  and  for  not  one  moment,  night 
or  day,  was  a  man  safe  except  in  a  bomb-proof,  from  bursting 
shell  or  shot. 

There  is  no  question  but  their  losses  were  very  much  greater 
than  their  official  figures  admitted. 

I  have  said  little  of  the  operations  in  front  of  the  Fifteenth 


THE    CAPTURE    OF   JACKSON  267 

and  Thirteenth  Corps,  as  it  would  be  simply  a  repetition  of  the 
skirmishing  tactics  pursued  in  our  corps.  The  losses  in  the 
Fifteenth  Corps  were  so  slight  as  to  prove  that  the  troops  kept 
well  under  cover,  the  loss  being  only  eighty  all  told,  or  only 
one-fourteenth  of  our  entire  loss. 

The  ammunition  train  arrived  late  in  the  night  of  the  i6th, 
and  preparations  were  made  for  a  grand  attack  the  next  day  ; 
but  when  morning  dawned,  white  flags  waving  from  the  enemy's 
earthworks  told  the  story  ;  during  the  night  the  Confederates 
had  retreated  across  the  Pearl  River  and  destroyed  the  bridges. 

Our  Second  Division  was  in  front  and  quickly  entered  Jack 
son,  the  flag  of  the  35th  Massachusetts  being  the  first  to  be 
placed  on  the  Capitol.  One  hundred  and  thirty-seven  Confed 
erates  who  had  not  made  the  best  use  of  their  time  were  taken 
prisoners. 

Our  work  was  done,  and  while  we  felt  chagrined  at  the  es 
cape  of  the  enemy,  we  were  glad  to  have  been  spared  the  fur 
ther  heavy  loss  of  life  which  must  have  resulted  from  an  assault, 
even  if  successful.  And  what  was  that  work  ?  The  railroad 
had  been  broken  up  for  forty  miles  north  and  sixty  miles  south  of 
Jackson  ;  the  fine  bridge  above  Canton  destroyed,  as  well  as  all 
the  machine  shops  and  rolling  stock  of  Canton ;  in  fact  every 
thing  that  could  be  of  value  to  the  enemy.  In  Jackson,  hardly 
a  building  of  any  value  except  the  State  House,  remained.  Our 
losses  in  killed,  wounded  and  missing  were  eleven  hundred  and 
twenty-two  officers  and  men,  and  those  of  the  Confederates,  as 
nearly  as  can  be  ascertained,  five  hundred  and  seventy-five 
killed  and  wounded  by  Johnston's  own  report,  and  Sherman 
reported  over  one  thousand  prisoners  taken. 

Of  our  loss,  two  hundred  and  ninety-one  was  in  the  Ninth 
Corps  and  seven  hundred  and  fifty-one  in  the  Thirteenth.  In 
closing  let  me  quote  from  General  Sherman's  official  Report 
dated  July  28th,  '63.  After  giving  a  detailed  history  of  the 
expedition  from  beginning  to  end,  he  says  : 

"  In  reviewing  the  events  thus  feebly  described,  it  may  seem 


268  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

superfluous  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  great  mass  of 
troops  thus  called  for  action  were  on  the  4th  day  of  July  in  the 
trenches  before  Vicksburg,  where  for  near  two  months  they  had 
been  toiling  in  the  hot  sun  in  close  and  stifling  rifle-pits,  and 
without  stopping  to  indulge  for  a  moment  in  the  natural  joy  at 
the  great  success  which  had  crowned  their  labors  they  were 
required  again  to  march  in  the  heat  and  dust  for  fifty  miles,  with 
little  or  no  water  save  in  muddy  creeks,  in  cisterns  already  ex 
hausted  and  in  the  surface  ponds  which  the  enemy  in  his  retreat 
had  tainted  with  dead  cattle  and  hogs ;  that  we  crossed  Black 
River  by  bridges  of  our  own  construction,  and  then  had  to  deal 
with  an  army  which  had,  under  a  leader  of  great  renown,  been 
formed  specially  to  raise  the  siege  of  Vicksburg ;  far  superior  to 
us  in  cavalry,  and  but  little  inferior  in  either  infantry  or  artil 
lery  ;  that  we  drove  him  fifty  miles  and  left  him  in  full  retreat ; 
that  we  have  destroyed  those  great  arteries  of  travel  in  the 
state  which  alone  could  enable  him  to  assemble  troops  and  mo 
lest  our  possession  of  the  Mississippi  River,  and  that  we  have  so 
exhausted  the  land  that  no  army  can  exist  during  this  season 
without  hauling  in  wagons  all  its  supplies." 

In  the  shadow  of  three  such  glorious  events  as  Gettysburg, 
Vicksburg  and  Port  Hudson,  the  capture  of  Jackson  attracted 
little  attention  at  the  north.  At  any  other  time  it  would  have 
been  hailed  with  joy  as  a  grand  triumph  of  the  northern  arms. 

We  who  had  gone  from  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  and  so 
missed  the  glory  of  Gettysburg,  feel  that  we  only  lost  one 
glory  to  gain  two  others.  No  monument  erected  by  our 
state  marks  any  spot  where  Massachusetts  men  did  her  full 
honor  in  that  Mississippi  Campaign ;  but  later  on  in  defending 
Knoxville,  and  again  in  Virginia  from  the  Wilderness  to  Peters 
burg,  no  Massachusetts  regiments  could  show  on  their  battle- 
flags  two  words  more  significant  of  sacrifice  and  victory  than 
those  gilded  upon  our  tattered  banners  by  General  Grant's 
command : 

"  VICKSBURG    &    JACKSON." 


THE   CAPTURE  OF  FORT  FISHER 


THE   CAPTURE  OF   FORT   FISHER 

BY 

BREVET  MAJOR    GENERAL  ADELBERT  AMES,  U.S.V. 

PART  I. 

ABOUT  the  first  of  December,  1864,  when  in  command  of 
the  Third  Division,  Twenty-fourth  Corps,  of  the  Army  of  the 
James,  then  before  Richmond,  Va.,  I  was  notified  I  had  been 
selected  to  lead  my  division  in  a  movement,  by  sea,  against 
some  point  of  the  Confederacy  on  the  Atlantic  coast. 

At  that  time  Wilmington,  N.C.,  was  the  port  through 
which  the  Confederacy  received  a  large  part  of  its  munitions  of 
war,  and  wrhence  was  shipped  to  England,  in  payment  therefor, 
much  of  its  cotton  and  tobacco.  Wilmington  was  situated  on. 
the  east  bank  of  the  Cape  Fear  River,  thirty  miles  from  its 
mouth,  which  was  guarded  by  Fort  Fisher. 

Our  Navy  was  untiring  in  its  efforts  to  blockade  that  port, 
but  was  not  successful. 

The  order  from  General  Butler  to  General  Weitzel  relative 
to  the  expedition  December  6th,  1864,  was:  "The  Major 
General  commanding  has  entrusted  you  with  the  command  of 
the  expedition  about  to  embark  for  the  North  Carolina  coast. 
It  will  consist  of  sixty-five  hundred  infantry,  two  batteries  and 
fifty  cavalry.  The  effective  men  of  General  Ames's  division  of 
the  Twenty-fourth  Corps  will  furnish  the  infantry  force. 
General  Paine  is  under  your  orders  and  General  Ames  will  be 
ordered  to  report  to  you  in  person  immediately." 

My  division,  of  three  brigades,  was  composed  of  New  Hamp 
shire,  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  and  Indiana  troops,  about  thirty- 
three  hundred  in  number.  General  Paine  had  a  division  of 
colored  troops. 

271 


272  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

We  embarked  at  Bermuda  Hundreds,  Va.,  December  8th, 
and  our  transports  reached  the  place  of  rendezvous  off  New 
Inlet,  N.C.,  Thursday,  the  I5th.  Friday,  Saturday,  and  Sun 
day,  we  awaited  the  coming  of  the  Navy. 

Admiral  Porter,  commanding  our  fleet,  arrived  Sunday 
evening,  the  iSth.  The  next  day  the  water  was  too  rough  to 
make  a  landing  on  the  ocean  beach.  Towards  evening  a  north 
east  gale  coming  up,  the  transports  were  sent  to  Beaufort  for 
coal  and  water,  as  the  ten  days'  supply  had  run  short,  where 
they  were  delayed  by  the  weather  and  the  difficulty  of  getting 
coal,  until  Saturday,  the  24th. 

I  did  not  go  to  Beaufort,  as  my  ship,  on  which  was  one  of 
my  brigades,  was  well  prepared  for  such  an  emergency. 

General  Butler,  followed  by  his  fleet  of  transports,  returned 
to  New  Inlet  on  Saturday,  the  24th  of  December,  between  four 
and  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 

The  powder  boat,  which  played  such  a  notorious  part  in  this 
expedition,  had  been  exploded  at  about  two  o'clock  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  same  clay. 

The  idea  of  the  powder  boat  was  General  Butler's,  but  it  was 
approved  of  and  adopted  by  the  Navy,  which  furnished  the  vessel 
and  its  share  of  the  two  hundred  and  fifteen  tons  of  gun-powder 
used.  The  Navy  held  control  of  this  experiment  from  first  to  last. 

The  explosion  was  untimely,  and  a  failure.  Commodore 
Jeffers  of  the  Navy  reports  :  "A  part  of  the  programme  re 
quired  that  the  vessel  should  be  grounded,  which  appears  not  to 
have  been  the  case." 

Commander  Rhincl  writes  :  "  That,  owing  to  the  want  of 
confinement  and  insufficient  fusing  of  the  mass,  much  of  the 
powder  was  blown  away  before  ignition  and  its  effect  lost." 

Admiral  Porter  reports :  "  That  the  powder  was  finally 
exploded  from  the  effects  of  a  fire  kindled  in  the  forecastle. 
No  results  of  value  were  to  be  expected  from  this  mode.  It  was 
proposed  only  as  a  final  resort,  in  order  to  prevent  the  vessel, 
in  any  contingency,  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy." 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    FORT    FISHER  273 

Commander  James  Parker,  U.  S.  Navy,  stated  to  the  New 
York  Loyal  Legion,  October  5,  1892  :  "  We  all  believed  in  it  (the 
powder  boat)  from  the  Admiral  down,  but  when  it  proved  so 
laughable  a  failure  we,  of  the  Navy,  laid  its  paternity  upon 
General  Butler." 

Colonel  Lamb,  in  command,  describes  Fort  Fisher  as  fol 
lows  :  "  At  the  land-face  of  Fort  Fisher  the  peninsula  was  about 
half  a  mile  wide,  Cape  Fear  River  being  on  one  side  and  the 
Atlantic  Ocean  on  the  other.  This  face  commenced  about  a 
hundred  feet  from  the  river  with  a  half  bastion,  and  extended 
with  a  heavy  curtain  to  a  full  bastion  on  the  ocean  side,  where 
it  joined  the  sea-face.  The  work  was  built  to  withstand  the 
heaviest  artillery  fire.  The  outer  slope  was  twenty  feet  high 
from  the  berm  to  the  top  of  the  parapet,  at  an  angle  of  forty- 
five  degrees,  and  was  sodded  with  marsh  grass,  which  grew 
luxuriantly.  The  parapet  was  not  less  than  twenty-five  feet 
thick,  with  an  inclination  of  only  one  foot.  The  revetment  was 
five  feet  nine  inches  high,  from  the  floor  of  the  gun  chambers, 
and  these  were  some  twelve  feet  or  more  from  the  interior 
plane.  The  guns  were  all  mounted  in  barbette,  Columbiad  car 
riages  ;  there  was  not  a  single  casemated  gun  in  the  fort.  Be 
tween  the  gun  chambers,  containing  one  or  two  guns  each 
(there  were  twenty  heavy  guns  on  the  land-face),  there  were  " 
(some  eighteen)  "  heavy  traverses,  exceeding  in  size  any  known 
to  engineers,  to  protect  from  an  enfilading  fire.  They  extended 
out  some  twelve  feet  on  the  parapet,  running  back  thirty  feet 
or  more.  The  gun  chambers  were  reached  from  the  rear  by 
steps.  In  each  traverse  was  an  alternate  magazine  or  bomb 
proof,  the  latter  ventilated  by  an  air-chamber.  Passageways 
penetrated  the  traverses  in  the  interior  of  the  work,  forming 
additional  bomb-proofs  for  the  reliefs  of  the  guns. 

"The  sea-face  was  a  mile  long,  and  for  a  hundred  yards 
from  the  northeast  bastion  was  of  the  same  massive  character  as 
the  land-face. 

"  As  a  defence  against  infantry  there  was  a  system  of  sub- 


2/4  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

terre  torpedoes  extending  across  the  peninsula,  five  to  six  hun 
dred  feet  from  the  land-face,  and  so  disconnected  that  an 
explosion  of  one  would  not  affect  the  others  ;  inside  the  torpe 
does,  about  fifty  feet  from  the  berm  of  the  work,  extending 
from  the  river  bank  to  the  seashore,  was  a  heavy  palisade  of 
sharpened  logs  nine  feet  high,  pierced  for  musketry,  and  so  laid 
out  as  to  have  an  enfilading  fire  on  the  centre,  where  there  was 
a  redoubt  guarding  a  sally-port  from  which  two  Napoleons  were 
run  out  as  occasion  required.  At  the  river  end  of  the  palisade 
was  a  deep  and  muddy  slough,  across  which  was  a  bridge,  the 
entrance  on  the  river  road  into  the  fort  ;  commanding  this 
bridge  was  a  Napoleon  gun.  There  were  three  mortars  in  rear 
of  the  land-face." 

This  strong  work  had,  at  the  time  of  our  first  expedition,  a 
garrison  of  fourteen  hundred  men,  nine  hundred  of  whom  were 
veterans. 

Colonel  Lamb  had  been  incited  to  the  utmost  by  General 
Lee,  who  had  sent  him  word  that  he  "must  hold  the  fort  or  he 
could  not  subsist  his  army." 

On  the  morning  of  the  24th  the  fleet  of  Admiral  Porter 
moved  in  towards  New  Inlet  and  opened  fire  on  the  fort.  The 
character  of  this,  bombardment  and  the  demands  made  by  the 
Admiral  on  his  ships  and  sailors  I  will  let  him  tell. 

In  his  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  of  the  24th  of 
December,  1864,  he  says:  "I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you 
that  I  attacked  the  forts  at  the  mouth  of  the  Cape  Fear  River 
to-day  at  12.30.  .  .  .  After  getting  the  ships  in  position  we 
silenced  it  in  about  an  hour  and  a  half,  there  being  no  troops 
here  to  take  possession.  I  am  merely  firing  now  to  keep  up 
practice.  The  forts  are  nearly  demolished,  and  as  soon  as 
troops  come  we  can  take  possession.  We  have  set  them  on  fire, 
blown  some  of  them  up,  and  all  that  is  wanted  now  is  troops  to 
land  and  go  into  them."  The  Admiral  failed  to  mention,  in  his 
letter,  the  fact  that  I  had  offered  one  thousand  men  and  co 
operation,  although,  in  his  testimony  before  the  Committee  on 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    FORT    FISHER  275 

the  Conduct  of  the  War,  he  said :  "  General  Ames  had  a  thou 
sand  men  there,  and  he  sent  on  board  and  told  me  he  was  ready 
to  land." 

In  his  letter  of  the  26th  he  says,  referring  to  the  bombard 
ment  of  the  24th  :  "  In  an  hour  and  fifteen  minutes  after  the 
first  shot  was  fired  not  a  shot  came  from  the  fort.  Finding  that 
the  batteries  were  silenced  completely  I  directed  the  ships  to 
keep  up  a  moderate  fire  in  hopes  of  attracting  the  attention  of 
the  transports  and  bringing'  them  in."  In  this  same  letter  of 
December  26th  Admiral  Porter  says,  speaking  of  the  bombard 
ment  of  the  forts  on  December  25th :  "  The  firing  this  day  was 
slow,  only  sufficient  to  amuse  the  enemy  while  the  army  landed. 
In  the  bombardment  of  the  25th  the  men  were  engaged  firing 
slowly  for  seven  hours.  .  .  .  Everything  was  coolly  done 
throughout  the  day,  and  I  witnessed  some  beautiful  practice." 

In  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  December  29, 
after  the  fleet  had  left  and  the  transports  had  gone  back  to 
Hampton  Roads,  he  writes  :  "At  no  time  did  I  permit  the  ves 
sels  to  open  on  them  with  all  their  batteries,  limiting  some  of 
them  to  about  two  shots  a  minute,  and  permitting  the  large 
vessels  to  fight  only  one  division  of  guns  at  a  time  ;  and  the 
bombardment  cost  only  a  certain  amount  of  shells,  which  I 
would  expend  in  a  month's  target  practice  anyhow."  Such  are 
the  salient  features  of  the  reports  of  Admiral  Porter. 

General  Whiting,  who  was  in  the  fort,  and  who  commanded 
that  military  district,  says  the  slight  damage  done  by  this 
cannonading  was  repaired  at  night,  and  that  "the  garrison 
was  in  no  instance  driven  from  its  guns,  the  palisade  was  in 
perfect  order,  and  the  mines  the  same,  the  wires  not  having 
been  cut." 

General  Weitzel  testified  before  the  Committee  on  the  Con 
duct  of  the  War :  "  I  made  a  reconnoissance  of  the  fort  and  saw 
that  the  work,  as  a  defensive  work,  was  not  injured  at  all,  except 
that  one  gun  about  midway  of  the  land  face  was  dismounted. 
I  did  not  see  a  single  opening  in  the  row  of  palisades  that  was 


2/6  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

in  front  of  the  ditch ;  it  seemed  to  be  perfectly  intact."  All  in 
the  fort  agree  that  Admiral  Porter  was  mistaken  as  to  the  effects 
of  the  cannonading. 

So  much  as  to  the  condition  of  the  fort. 

On  the  morning  of  the  25th  all  our  transports  anchored 
near  the  shore  some  two  or  three  miles  north  of  the  fort,  and 
the  troops  immediately  began  to  land. 

I  had  been  selected  to  storm  the  fort  with  my  division. 

My  report  on  December  28th  is  as  follows:  "Brevet  Brigadier 
General  Curtis  and  five  hundred  of  his  brigade  were  the  first  to 
land,  and  were  taken  towards  the  fort  by  General  Weitzel  for  a 
reconnoissance.  ...  It  was  dusk  when  I  reached  the  front. 
I  then  heard  that  the  First  Brigade  was  to  remain  where  it  was 
until  further  orders,  and  that  if  any  attack  was  made  the  respon 
sibility  would  rest  with  the  officer  in  immediate  command.  At 
this  time  I  did  not  know  that  it  had  been  decided  not  to  attack 
the  fort.  Upon  the  report  of  Curtis  that  he  could  take  the 
fort  I  sent  his  brigade  forward  to  make  the  attempt."  In  his 
report  Curtis  says  :  "  On  my  arrival  at  this  point  I  received 
orders  from  General  Ames  to  return  and  re-establish  my  lines  as 
they  were,  and,  if  possible,  to  occupy  the  fort,  and  I  at  once 
ordered  my  skirmishers  forward,  etc.  .  .  .  The  enemy,  having 
cover  of  the  darkness,  opened  on  the  skirmishers  as  they  ad 
vanced  with  musketry  and  canister,  but  did  not  prevent  their 
establishing  the  line  in  its  former  position,  with  the  reserves  in 
close  proximity."  Curtis  made  no  further  effort  to  take  the 
fort,  as  I  had  ordered  him  to  do,  but  sent  word  to  me  that 
he  was  "occupying  his  former  position."  Why  he  failed  to 
assault  the  fort  after  I  assumed  the  responsibility  and  gave 
the  order  I  have  never  known.  At  this  time  an  order  reached 
me  to  return  to  our  ships,  which  we  did,  and  the  first  expedition 
ended. 

An  incident  occurred  which  had  much  to  do  in  giving  an 
erroneous  idea  of  the  condition  of  the  fort  and  garrison. 

One  of  our  lieutenants  approached  the  fort  and  captured  its 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    FORT    FISHER  277 

flag,  which  had  been  shot  away  by  the  Navy,  and  which  had 
fallen  with  the  flag  staff  on  the  outer  slope  of  the  parapet  to  the 
ditch. 

On  this  point  General  Weitzel  testifies  :  "  I  sent  for  Lieu 
tenant  Walling  and  questioned  him  about  it,  and  he  told  me  that 
a  shell  had  knocked  the  flagstaff  outside  and  on  top  of  the 
parapet,  and  the  flag  hung  over  into  or  outside  of  the  ditch. 
Thinking  that  probably  the  rebels  had  not  observed  it,  he  crept 
up  on  his  hands  and  knees  to  the  palisading,  found  a  hole  in  it 
that  one  of  the  shells  had  made,  crept  through  the  hole  and 
up  to  the  flag,  and  got  it  and  got  away  with  it  without  being 
observed." 

Let  us  see  why  our  expedition  terminated  thus  abruptly. 

Weitzel  had  been  ordered  by  Butler  to  land  and  make  a 
reconnoissance.  In  his  testimony  before  the  Committee  on  the 
Conduct  of  the  War  he  gave  his  experience  during  the  war  in 
charging  and  defending  field  works,  and  continuing,  said  : 
"  After  that  experience,  with  the  information  I  had  obtained 
from  reading  and  study —  for  before  this  war  I  was  an  instructor 
at  the  Military  Academy  for  three  years  under  Professor  Mahan, 
on  those  very  subjects  —  remembering  well  the  remarks  of  the 
Lieutenant  General  commanding,  that  it  was  his  intention  I 
should  command  that  expedition,  because  another  officer  selected 
by  the  war  department  had  once  shown  timidity,  and  in  face  of 
the  fact  that  I  had  been  appointed  a  major  general  only  twenty 
days  before,  and  needed  confirmation  ;  notwithstanding  all  this,  I 
went  back  to  General  Butler,  and  told  him  I  considered  it  would 
be  murder  to  order  an  attack  on  that  work  with  that  force." 

Colonel  Lamb  says,  in  reference  to  the  loss  of  his  flag  :  "  I 
had  no  fear  of  an  assault,  and  because,  during  a  bombardment 
which  rendered  an  assault  impossible,  I  covered  my  men,  and 
a  few  straggling  skirmishers,  too  few  to  attract  attention,  got 
near  the  fort,  and  some  gallant  officers  thought  they  could  have 
carried  the  work,  it  does  not  follow  that  they  would  not  have 
paid  dearly  for  their  temerity  if  they  had  made  the  attempt." 


278  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

General  Whiting  speaks  to  the  same  effect. 

Now,  who  is  to  say  that  Weitzel,  Whiting  and  Lamb  were 
mistaken  as  to  the  situation  that  day  ?  Is  it  the  brave  soldier, 
who  crept  unseen  through  a  hole  in  the  palisade  to  the  parapet 
and  took  a  flag  from  a  staff  which  had  been  shot  away  ? 

Is  it  Admiral  Porter,  who  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  January  I7th,  1865:  "I  have  since  visited  Fort  Fisher 
and  the  adjoining  works,  and  find  their  strength  greatly  beyond 
what  I  had  conceived.  An  engineer  might  be  excusable  in 
saying  they  could  not  be  captured  except  by  regular  siege.  I 
wonder,  even  now,  how  it  was  done.  The  work,  as  I  said 
before,  is  really  stronger  than  the  Malakoff  tower,  which  defied 
so  long  the  combined  power  of  France  and  England."  In  a 
letter  of  the  i6th  of  January  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  he 
says  :  "  I  was  in  Fort  Malakoff  a  few  days  after  it  surrendered 
to  the  French  and  English  ;  the  combined  armies  of  the  two 
nations  were  many  months  capturing  that  stronghold,  and  it 
won't  compare,  either  in  size  or  strength,  to  Fort  Fisher." 

I  have  no  hesitancy  in  saying  that  they  were  not  mistaken, 
though  it  is  true  that  without  personal  knowledge  of  the  charac 
ter  of  the  fort,  and,  for  the  time,  believing  Curtis,  I  ordered 
him  to  take  it  on  his  assertion  that  he  could  do  so. 

What  was  not  possible  December  25th,  was  made  possible 
January  I5th,  through  an  efficient  bombardment  on  the  part  of 
the  navy  and  the  co-operation  of  two  thousand  sailors  and 
marines  and  an  additional  force  of  one  thousand  four  hundred 
infantry. 

January  1st,  1865,  Grant  wrote  to  Secretary  Stanton :  "The 
fact  is,  there  are  but  two  ways  of  taking  Fort  Fisher,  operating 
from  the  water ;  one  is  to  surprise  them  whilst  there  is  but  a 
small  garrison  defending  the  place  ;  the  other  is  for  the  navy  to 
send  a  portion  of  their  fleet  into  Cape  Fear  River.  ..."  He 
continues  :  "  In  the  three  days  of  good  weather  which  elapsed 
after  the  army  had  reached  the  scene  of  action,  before  the  navy 
appeared,  our  troops  had  the  chance  of  capturing  Fort  Fisher 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    FORT    FISHER  279 

whilst  it  had  an  insufficient  garrison  to  hold  it.  The  delay  gave 
the  enemy  time  to  accumulate  a  force.  .  .  .  The  failure  before 
was  the  result  of  delays  by  the  navy." 

So,  of  Grant's  two  ways  of  taking  the  fort,  one  by  surprise 
failed,  as  he  said,  because  of  the  delay  of  the  navy,  and  as  to  the 
other,  Colonel  Comstock  reports  to  Grant,  January  gth  :  "  There 
is  no  hope,  at  least  at  present,  of  the  admiral's  trying  to  run  by 
Fort  Fisher." 

Grant  ordered  and  intended  that  Weitzel  should  have  com 
mand  of  the  expedition.  North  Carolina  was  in  Butler's  military 
department.  His  order  retained  Weitzel  as  his  subordinate. 

Though  Grant  may  have  intended  and  ordered  certain  action 
on  the  part  of  our  expedition  in  December,  1865,  on  the  first  of 
January,  1865,  he  wrote  the  Secretary  of  War,  as  just  quoted, 
that  there  were  but  two  ways  to  take  the  fort  —  by  surprise  or 
by  the  occupancy  of  the  river  by  the  navy.  There  was  no  sur 
prise,  the  navy  was  not  in  the  river,  the  bombardment  of  the 
fort  was  ineffectual,  Weitzel  decided  against  an  assault,  Butler 
acquiesced  and  ordered  the  expedition  back  to  Virginia,  saying 
to  Weitzel  at  the  same  time  that  he,  Butler,  would  assume  all 
responsibility,  as  he  could  stand  the  blame  better  than  could 
Weitzel,  the  professional  soldier. 

The  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War  was  composed  of 
the  leading  men  in  Congress  at  that  time.  Much  experience 
in  the  investigation  of  military  affairs  had  made  them,  to  say  the 
least,  fairly  capable  judges.  They  could  command  any  witness, 
they  were  critical  and  severe  in  their  examinations,  and  their 
conclusions  were  reached  without  fear  or  favor.  Honest  Ben 
Wade  was  their  chairman.  This  is  their  decision  : 

"  In  conclusion,  your  Committee  would  say,  from  all  the  testi 
mony  before  them,  that  the  determination  of  General  Butler  not 
to  assault  the  fort  seems  to  have  been  fully  justified  by  all  facts 
and  circumstances  then  known  or  afterwards  ascertained." 

Few  can  comprehend  the  penalty  General  Butler  had  to  pay 
for  his  action  on  this  occasion.  The  war  was  within  a  few 


280  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

months  of  its  end,  and  he  had  hoped  for  a  share  of  the  honors 
conferred  on  those  who  served  faithfully  and  well,  but  he  was 
sent  home,  and  the  whole  nation  condemned  him  for  the  failure. 
General  Weitzel,  one  of  the  best  of  men,  and  one  of  our  ablest 
generals,  was  humbled  in  spirit  before  the  storm  of  censure 
and  ridicule.  But  all  that  came  after  the  capture  of  the  fort  on 
our  second  expedition. 

PART    II. 

The  second  expedition  was  started  without  delay.  January 
2nd,  1865,  General  A.  H.  Terry  was  put  in  command.  On  the 
3rd  we  left  camp,  began  re-embarkation  on  the  4th,  and  com 
pleted  it  on  the  5th. 

I  had  thirty-three  hundred  picked  men  in  my  division.  Gen 
eral  Paine  had  the  same  number  in  his.  There  were  added  a 
brigade  of  fourteen  hundred  men  under  Colonel  J.  G.  Abbott 
and  two  batteries  of  light  artillery  of  three  and  six  guns  each. 
Colonel  Comstock,  who  represented  Grant  on  our  first  expedi 
tion,  returned  with  us  on  the  second. 

The  transports  put  to  sea  on  the  morning  of  the  6th. 
A  severe  storm  drove  them  into  Beaufort. 

The  troops  were  landed  on  the  1 3th,  some  two  miles  north 
of  the  fort. 

Upon  landing  the  first  work  on  hand  was  to  establish  a  line 
of  breastworks  from  the  ocean  beach  to  the  river  to  keep  the 
enemy  in  the  direction  of  Wilmington  from  interfering  with  our 
operations. 

A  reconnoissance  was  made.  Terry  reports  :  "  As  a  result 
of  this  reconnoissance,  and  in  view  of  the  extreme  difficulty  which 
might  be  expected  in  landing  supplies  and  the  materials  for  a 
siege  on  the  often  tempestuous  beach,  it  was  decided  to  attempt 
an  assault  the  next  day,  provided  that,  in  the  mean  time,  the  fire 
of  the  navy  should  so  far  destroy  the  palisades  as  to  make  one 
practicable.  This  decision  was  communicated  to  Admiral  Porter, 
who  at  once  placed  a  division  of  his  vessels  in  a  position  to 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    FORT    FISHER  281 

accomplish  this  last-named  object.  It  was  arranged,  in  consul 
tation  with  him,  that  a  heavy  bombardment  from  all  the  vessels 
should  commence  early  in  the  morning  and  continue  up  to  the 
moment  of  the  assault,  and  that  even  then  it  should  not  cease, 
but  should  be  diverted  from  the  points  of  attack  to  the  other 
parts  of  the  work.  It  was  decided  that  the  assault  should  be 
made  at  3  P.M.,  that  the  army  should  attack  on  the  western  half 
of  the  land-face,  and  that  a  column  of  sailors  and  marines  should 
assault  the  northeast  bastion.  The  fire  of  the  navy  continued 
during  the  night.  At  8  A.M.  of  the  I3th  all  of  the  vessels, 
except  a  division  left  to  aid  in  the  defence  of  our  northern  line, 
moved  into  position,  and  a  fire,  magnificent  alike  for  its  power 
and  accuracy,  was  opened,"  and  continued  all  day  Saturday, 
Saturday  night  and  Sunday,  till  3.30  P.M.  "Ames's  division  had 
been  selected  for  the  assault.  .  .  .  At  3.25  P.M.  all  the  prep 
arations  were  completed,  the  order  to  move  forward  was  given  to 
Ames,  and  a  concerted  signal  was  made  to  Admiral  Porter  to 
change  the  direction  of  his  fire." 

The  situation  at  this  time  was  as  follows  :  Some  two  miles 
north  of  the  fort  General  Paine  had  established  a  line  of  breast 
works,  from  ocean  to  river,  facing  north,  with  his  own  division 
on  the  left  and  Colonel  Abbott's  brigade  on  the  right.  On  the 
sea-beach,  about  half  a  mile  from  the  fort,  were  two  thousand 
sailors  and  marines  under  command  of  Fleet  Captain  K.  R. 
Breese.  On  the  east  were  sixty-four  ships  of  war,  under  Admiral 
Porter,  cannonading  the  fort.  My  three  brigades  were  in  line, 
one  behind  the  other,  ranging  from  three  to  five  hundred  yards 
from  the  fort ;  the  left  of  each  line  nearly  opposite  the  middle 
of  the  land-face  of  the  fort,  the  right  near  the  river.  A  body  of 
sharpshooters  were  pushed  forward,  and  the  whole  division  was 
covered  from  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  as  far  as  possible,  by  the 
inequalities  of  the  ground  and  slight  pits  formed  by  throwing  up 
the  sand. 

Terry,  Comstock  and  I  were  in  a  small  advanced  outwork 
about  half  a  mile  from  the  fort.  My  able  and  gallant  Adjutant 


282  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

General,  General  Charles  A.  Carleton,  has  made  the  following 
record  :  "  General  Terry  turned  to  General  Ames  and  said : 
'  General  Ames,  the  signal  agreed  upon  for  the  assault  has  been 
given.'  General  Ames  asked  :  '  Have  you  any  special  orders  to 
give  ? '  General  Terry  replied  :  '  No,  you  understand  the  situa 
tion  and  what  is  desired  to  be  accomplished.  I  leave  everything 
to  your  discretion.'  '  Thus  was  given  me  the  unrestricted 
command  of  the  fighting  forces. 

At  once  I  directed  Captain  Lawrence  of  my  staff  to  order 
Curtis,  commanding  the  First  Brigade,  to  charge,  striking  the 
parapet  at  the  end  nearest  the  river.  The  palisade  had  been 
sufficiently  broken  and  shot  away  by  the  fire  of  the  navy  to 
permit  the  passage  of  the  troops.  As  I  approached  the  fort  I 
watched  with  anxious  eyes  the  charge  of  the  First  Brigade. 

Captain  Lawrence  heroically  led  the  charge  of  that  part  of 
the  brigade  which  advanced  at  this  time.  He  was  the  first 
through  the  palisade,  and  while  reaching  for  a  guidon  to  plant 
on  the  first  traverse,  his  hand  was  shot  away  and  he  was  danger 
ously  wounded  in  the  neck,  but  with  this  lodgement  on  the  first 
traverse,  the  force  of  the  charge  was  spent.  I  quickly  ordered 
Colonel  Pennypacker's  brigade,  which  was  close  at  hand,  to 
charge  and  sweep  down  the  parapet  to  the  ocean. 

I  will  not  attempt  a  description  of  the  battle.  It  was  a 
charge  of  my  brigades,  one  after  the  other,  followed  by  desperate 
fighting  at  close  quarters  over  the  parapet  and  traverses  and  in 
and  through  the  covered  ways.  All  the  time  we  were  exposed 
to  the  musketry  and  artillery  of  the  enemy,  while  our  own  Navy 
was  thundering  away,  occasionally  making  us  the  victims  of  its 
fire. 

The  official  reports  of  my  officers  gave  no  adequate  idea  of 
their  gallant  deeds,  but  they  must  supply  the  form  and  coloring 
of  the  warlike  scenes  of  that  eventful  Sunday. 

Colonel  Daggett,  in  command  of  the  First  Brigade,  January 
1 7th,  reports  :  "At  about  3  P.M.,  General  Curtis  having  received 
orders  to  that  effect  from  General  Ames,  through  Captain  Law- 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    FORT    FISHER  283 

rence,  the  brigade  advanced  to  the  charge,  so  as  to  strike  the 
sally-port,  that  having  been  deemed  the  only  vulnerable  point  of 
the  work,  and,  after  a  desperate  struggle,  the  advance  of  the 
brigade  reached  the  parapet  of  the  fort  and  scaled  it  to  the  first 
traverse,  where  the  guidon  of  the  1 1  7th  New  York  was  planted 
—  the  first  colors  on  the  fort." 

Major  O.  P.  Harding,  who  came  out  of  the  fight  in  command 
of  the  Second  Brigade,  reports  :  "  The  brigade  was  ordered  to 
assault  the  fort,  which  was  done  in  a  gallant  manner  and  under 
a  heavy  fire  of  grape  and  musketry,  and  entered  the  fort  through 
a  sally-port  near  the  river.  The  203  rd  Pennsylvania,  com 
manded  by  Colonel  J.  W.  Moore,  was  the  first  to  enter  the  fort, 
closely  followed  by  the  97th  Pennsylvania,  commanded  by  First 
Lieutenant  John  Wainwright.  The  colors  of  each  of  those  regi 
ments  reached  the  parapet  about  the  same  time,  those  of  the 
97th  borne  by  Colonel  Pennypacker,  and  of  the  2031x1  by  Colonel 
Moore.  Colonel  Pennypacker  was  seriously  wounded  while 
planting  his  colors  on  the  third  traverse,  and  Colonel  Moore  fell 
dead  while  passing  the  second  traverse,  waving  his  colors  and 
commanding  his  men  to  follow.  After  entering  the  fort  the 
brigade  became  somewhat  broken  up  ;  nevertheless,  both  officers 
and  men  behaved  gallantly  until  its  capture." 

"  After  the  fall  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Lyman,  2O3rd  Penn 
sylvania,  who  fell  on  the  sixth  traverse,  I  commanded  the  regi 
ment  until  about  5  P.M.,  when  ordered  by  General  Ames  to 
take  command  of  the  brigade,  which  I  immediately  organized." 

Captain  II.  B.  Essington,  commanding  203 rd  Pennsylvania, 
reports  :  "  The  regiment  charged  on  the  right  of  the  Second 
Brigade,  and  was  the  first  regiment  of  the  brigade  to  enter  the 
fort,  going  in  with  the  First  (Curtis's)  Brigade.  After  having 
assisted  in  capturing  the  first  two  mounds,  a  portion  of  the  regi 
ment  went  to  the  right  and  stationed  themselves  behind  a  bank 
in  the  open  field  south  of  the  fort.  The  latter  portion  then 
charged  across  the  plain,  by  order  of  the  commanding  general 
(General  Ames),  until  opposite  the  seventh  or  eighth  traverse, 


284  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

where  they  threw  up  an  embankment  with  their  tin  plates  and 
shovels,  which  they  held  until  the  fort  surrendered,  keeping  up 
a  steady  fire  on  the  enemy." 

Let  me  say,  in  passing,  that  Colonel  Pennypacker's  conduct 
in  leading  his  brigade  with  the  colors  of  his  own  regiment, 
placed  him  second  to  none  for  gallantry  that  day.  It  would  be 
difficult  to  overestimate  the  value  of  his  example  to  his  brigade. 

Entering  the  fort  and  passing  to  the  rear  of  the  parapet  at 
the  west  end,  I  made  an  examination  of  it  from  that  position, 
and  decided  to  use  my  third  brigade,  Colonel  Bell's,  with  its 
left  by  the  parapet,  right  extended  south  and  west  inside  the 
fort,  and  charge  into  the  angle  formed  by  the  land  and  sea  faces. 
I  ordered  Bell  forward  with  his  brigade  to  report  to  me.  Lieu 
tenant  Colonel  Johnson,  commanding  the  Third  Brigade,  Jan 
uary  i  Qth,  reports  :  "  Colonel  Bell  was  ordered  by  General  Ames 
to  remain  near  him  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  orders."  Un 
fortunately  Colonel  Bell  was  killed  in  the  advance,  gallantly 
leading  his  brigade.  The  part  of  his  brigade  which  reached  me 
was  in  a  somewhat  disorganized  condition.  I  formed  it  as  best 
I  could  for  the  charge.  Owing  to  the  obstructions  of  the  de 
molished  quarters  of  the  garrison  and  the  fire  of  the  enemy  from 
the  front  (the  angle  had  been  partially  filled  in  and  was  pro 
tected  by  a  curtain),  and  from  the  right,  as  well  as  the  fire  of 
our  Navy,  the  advance  was  checked.  The  men  were  in  a  very 
exposed  position,  and  as  no  advantage  could  be  gained  there  I 
ordered  them  to  join  the  other  troops  in  pushing  seaward  on  the 
land-face  of  the  fort.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Johnson  further  re 
ports  :  "The  brigade  entered  the  fort  conjointly  with  a  portion 
of  the  First  (Curtis's)  Brigade,  at  the  left  bastion,  a  portion 
moving  along  the  ter re-plain  and  a  portion  on  the  ramparts, 
parapets  and  slopes,  some  of  the  officers  and  men  in  the  advance 
with  officers  and  men  of  other  brigades,  all  vying  with  each 
other." 

Owing  to  the  contracted  space  in  which  the  fighting  was 
done,  brigade  and  regimental  formations  were  impossible.  What 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    FORT    FISHER  285 

was  accomplished  was  through  the  heroic  efforts  of  small  bodies 
of  officers  and  men. 

From  time  to  time  I  sent  to  Terry,  who  was  in  the  earthwork 
half  a  mile  away,  reports  of  the  progress  I  was  making. 

I  had  previously  learned  that  the  sailors  and  marines  who 
had  made  an  attack  on  the  sea  angle  had  been  quickly  repulsed. 

As  the  sun  sank  to  the  horizon,  the  ardor  of  the  assault 
abated.  Our  advance  was  but  slow.  Ten  of  my  officers  had 
been  killed,  forty-seven  wounded,  and  about  five  hundred  men 
were  killed  and  wounded.  Among  the  killed  was  one  brigade 
commander,  the  other  two  were  wounded  and  disabled.  I  now 
requested  Terry  to  join  me  in  the  fort.  It  was  dark  before  he 
and  Com  stock  arrived.  I  explained  the  situation. 

Colonel  Abbott's  brigade,  which  had  been  relieved  from  its 
position  in  the  line  facing  Wilmington,  by  the  defeated  sailors 
and  marines,  had  been  ordered  to  report  to  me. 

I  decided  to  make  my  chief  effort  with  the  reinforcements 
by  moving  the  troops  by  the  flank  between  the  palisade  and  the 
foot  of  the  fort  until  the  head  of  the  column  should  reach  the 
northeast  angle  by  the  ocean,  then  face  to  the  right  and  rush 
the  men  up  and  over  the  parapet ;  and  at  the  same  time  continue 
the  struggle  for  the  traverses.  Colonel  J.  C.  Abbott,  command 
ing  Second  Brigade,  First  Division,  in  his  report  of  January 
1 5th,  says:  "Reaching  the  fort  about  dark  I  reported  to 
General  Ames.  By  order  of  General  Ames  I  first  threw  the 
3rd  New  Hampshire  Volunteers,  Captain  Trie  key  commanding, 
along  the  portion  of  the  north  face  of  the  work  already  occupied 
by  his  troops  and  relieved  them  ;  also  by  General  Ames's  order, 
I  threw  out  the  /th  Connecticut  Volunteers,  Captain  Marble 
commanding,  as  a  picket  in  rear  of  the  work,  the  right  of  the 
line  resting  on  Cape  Fear  River.  During  this  time  the  enemy 
occupied  all  the  eastern  and  about  one-third  the  northern  face 
of  the  work.  At  about  9  o'clock,  by  order  of  General  Ames, 
I  then  proceeded  to  dislodge  the  enemy  from  the  remainder  of 
the  fort.  I  then  advanced  the  /th  New  Hampshire,  Lieutenant 


286  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

Colonel  Rollins  commanding.  They  at  once  and  gallantly 
charged  up  the  slope  enveloping  the  sea  angle  of  the  work, 
meeting  a  sharp  fire  from  the  enemy,  who  were  stationed  behind 
the  parapets,  and  in  rear  of  the  main  work." 

Captain  William  H.  Trickey,  commanding  3rd  New  Hamp 
shire  Regiment,  reports  January  iSth:  "I  was  directed  by 
Colonel  Abbott,  commanding  brigade,  to  move  my  regiment  to 
the  extreme  advance  held  by  the  Second  Division  and  open  fire 
upon  the  enemy  ;  was  thus  engaged  for  nearly  an  hour,  having, 
to  a  great  extent,  silenced  the  enemy's  fire ;  was  then  directed 
by  Colonel  Abbott  to  take  and  hold,  with  twenty  men,  the  next 
traverse  in  front,  the  remainder  of  my  command  being  left  in 
several  traverses  to  keep  up  the  fire  upon  the  enemy.  We 
took  the  traverse,  as  directed,  driving  the  enemy  out.  Think 
ing  we  could  go  farther,  we  charged  and  took  the  next  two, 
with  a  like  result.  After  taking  the  third  traverse,  having  met 
with  considerable  resistance,  I  did  not  deem  it  prudent  to  go 
farther  with  so  few  men,  and  opened  a  vigorous  fire  upon  the 
enemy,  who  was  rallying  for  the  recapture  of  the  traverses  ;  we 
held  the  enemy  in  check  until  the  arrival  of  the  /th  New  Hamp 
shire  and  6th  Connecticut,  who  charged  and  took  the  remainder 
of  the  work." 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Rollins  reports:  "At  10  p.  M.  moved 
my  regiment  inside  the  fort,  and  was  ordered  by  General  Ames 
to  take  two  traverses,  and  three,  if  possible,  the  number  not 
then  taken.  I  moved  over  the  third  traverse  of  the  fort,  and 
advanced  rapidly  inside  the  stockade  until  I  reached  the  battery 
on  the  northeast  angle  of  the  fort,  where  I  formed  the  right 
wing  of  the  regiment,  leaving  the  left  in  support.  I  then 
ordered  a  charge  and  captured  the  three  remaining  traverses 
and  batteries,  then  pushed  on  by  the  right  flank,  and  by  so 
doing  cut  off  the  angle  of  the  fort,  moved  to  the  right,  and  by  a 
rapid  and  determined  advance,  captured  the  remaining  traverses 
and  batteries  of  the  fort  proper." 

Thus,  after  some   seven  hours'  fighting,  more  than  five  of 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    FORT    FISHER  287 

which  were  after  dark,  the  land-face  of  the  fort  was  occupied 
and  all  resistance  ceased.  The  enemy  fled  to  the  shelter  of 
Battery  Buchanan,  at  the  end  of  the  point,  two  miles  away. 
Terry  took  Abbott  and  a  part  of  his  brigade  and  marched  to 
Battery  Buchanan.  Abbott  reports :  "  I  was  met  by  the 
Adjutant  General  of  the  General  commanding  the  enemy's 
forces,  who  tendered  the  surrender  of  the  battery,  upon  which. 
I  referred  to  General  Terry,  who  would  soon  arrive.  .  .  . 
General  Terry  having  arrived,  received  the  surrender  of  the 
work  and  the  force." 

Colonel  Abbott  was  mistaken.  Terry  was  too  late.  Captain 
Lockwood  of  my  staff  had  already  received  the  surrender. 

It  was  after  ten  o'clock.  The  task  set  for  us  at  half-past 
three  was  finished.  Our  work  was  done. 

The  statement  of  their  achievement  is  the  highest  eulogy 
that  can  be  passed  upon  our  soldiers. 

A  grievous  accident  occurred  early  the  next  morning,  which 
killed  and  wounded  one  hundred  and  thirty  of  our  gallant  heroes. 
It  was  the  explosion  of  the  magazine  of  the  fort.  A  board  of 
enquiry  was  organized  and  found,  "that  the  following  are  the 
main  facts,  viz.  :  i,  immediately  after  the  capture  of  the  fort, 
General  Ames  gave  orders  to  Lieutenant  Colonel  Samuel  M. 
Zent  to  place  guards  on  all  the  magazines  and  bomb-proofs. 
2,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Zent  commenced  on  the  northwest  corner 
of  the  fort,  next  the  river,  following  the  traverses  round,  and 
placed  guards  on  thirty-one  entrances  under  the  traverses.  The 
main  magazines,  which  afterwards  exploded,  being  in  the  rear  of 
the  traverses,  escaped  his  notice,  and,  consequently,  had  no 
guards  from  his  regiment  or  any  other." 

General  Bragg  reports  that  the  defenders  of  the  fort  num 
bered,  all  told,  about  one  hundred  and  ten  commissioned  officers 
and  twenty-five  hundred  men  —  their  casualties  being  over  four 
hundred.  A  few  escaped  across  the  river,  in  boats,  under  cover 
of  the  darkness  ;  the  rest  became  our  prisoners. 

Mr.  Stanton,  the  Secretary  of  War,  had  been  visiting  Sher- 


288  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

man  at  Savannah  after  his  march  through  Georgia,  and  on  his 
way  north  called  at  Fort  Fisher,  where  he  had  an  interview  with 
Terry. 

Upon  Stanton's  arrival  at  Fortress  Monroe,  Va.,  he  sent  a 
despatch  to  President  Lincoln  marked  "official,"  dated  Tuesday, 
10  A.M.,  January  17,  1865.  In  this  despatch  Stanton  mentions 
Terry,  my  brigade  commanders  and  some  regimental  com 
manders,  but  omits  my  name  altogether.  Among  other  things 
he  says  :  "  The  assault  on  the  other  and  most  difficult  side  of 
the  fort  was  made  by  a  column  of  three  thousand  troops  of  the 
old  Tenth  Corps,  led  by  Colonel  Curtis,  under  the  immediate 
supervision  of  General  Terry." 

This  is  not  true,  as  the  official  reports  show,  in  any  other 
sense  than  that  Curtis's  brigade  first  reached  the  fort  under 
my  immediate  orders  with  Terry  half  a  mile  away.  An  earlier 
attempt  to  make  public  these  facts  has  been  impracticable,  as 
the  volume  of  the  war  records  covering  this  event  was  not 
published  till  1894. 

With  this  as  a  preface  I  will  add  to  the  extracts  of  the 
reports  of  some  of  my  subordinate  officers  already  given,  the 
report  of  General  Terry,  who  was  my  only  superior  officer.  He 
says  :  "  Of  General  Ames  I  have  already  spoken  in  a  letter 
recommending  his  promotion.  He  commanded  all  the  troops 
engaged  and  was  constantly  under  fire.  His  great  coolness, 
good  judgment  and  skill  were  never  more  conspicuous  than  in 
this  assault." 

These  official  reports  show,  as  Terry  says,  that  I  "  com 
manded  all  the  troops  engaged  "  from  the  first  act,  when  my 
aide,  Captain  A.  G.  Lawrence,  led  the  first  brigade  into  the  fort, 
to  the  last  act,  when  the  garrison  surrendered  to  my  aide, 
Captain  H.  C.  Lockwood. 

The  sailors  and  marines  who  assaulted  in  column  the  north 
east  angle  of  the  fort  along  the  sea  beach,  were  a  body  of  two 
thousand  men,  made  up  of  detachments  from  different  ships. 
Naturally  enough,  Captain  Breese  found  it,  as  has  been  stated, 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    FORT    FISHER  289 

an  unwieldy  mass.  The  sixteen  hundred  sailors  were  armed 
only  with  pistols  and  cutlasses.  They  were  quickly  repulsed. 
Few  reached  the  parapet.  Once  checked,  they  turned  and  fled, 
losing  three  hundred  in  killed  and  wounded.  Admiral  Porter 
testified  :  "  I  suppose  the  whole  thing  was  over  in  fifteen  minutes, 
as  far  as  the  sailors  were  concerned,  for  they  were  cut  down  like 
sheep." 

Later,  this  force  was  sent  to  the  line  of  intrenchments  facing 
Wilmington,  relieving  Colonel  Abbott's  brigade,  which  reported 
to  me.  Of  course  Admiral  Porter  expected  his  sailors  to  carry 
the  fort,  but,  alas  !  he  had  been  deceived  as  to  its  defensive 
capabilities,  which  deception  resulted  in  the  apparently  needless 
sacrifice  of  his  gallant  sailors. 

Our  Navy,  in  its  ships  and  armament,  was  the  most  powerful 
that  ever  existed  up  to  that  time.  In  officers  and  men  it  never 
had  its  equal,  and  never  will  till  an  equally  enlightened,  powerful 
and  liberty-loving  people  again  rise,  in  their  might,  in  a  struggle 
for  self-preservation. 

As  to  the  effect  on  the  fort  of  the  second  bombardment, 
Colonel  Lamb  writes  :  "  The  land  armament,  with  palisades  and 
torpedoes,  had  been  destroyed.  For  the  first  time  in  the  his 
tory  of  sieges  the  land  defences  of  the  works  were  destroyed, 
not  by  the  act  of  the  besieging  army,  but  by  the  concentrated 
fire,  direct  and  enfilading,  of  an  immense  fleet,  poured  upon 
them  without  intermission,  until  torpedo  wires  were  cut,  palisades 
breached  so  that  they  actually  afforded  cover  for  assailants,  and 
the  slopes  of  the  work  were  rendered  practicable  for  assault." 

Why  the  first  expedition  was  a  failure  and  the  second  a 
success  has  never  been  rightly  understood.  The  military  situa 
tions  have  been  obscured  by  the  contention  between  General 
Butler  and  Admiral  Porter,  though  the  most  amicable  relations 
existed  between  the  army  and  navy. 

It  has  been  believed  that  the  fort  was  in  the  same  condition 
on  both  occasions,  and  that  it  was  but  poorly  garrisoned  on  the 
first.  Those  who  so  held  were  in  error  in  both  particulars. 


290  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

According  to  Badeau,  Grant's  historian  :  "  Curtis  declared 
that  the  fort  could  have  been  carried  on  the  first  expedition,  and 
that  at  the  moment  when  they  were  recalled  they  virtually  had 
possession."  This  declaration  has  been  accepted  as  the  truth. 

We  can  examine  the  facts,  now  that  the  official  reports  have 
been  published,  and  form  our  own  opinions  on  this  point,  which 
has  been  the  pivot  of  the  whole  controversy. 

It  appears  from  Curtis's  report  that  he  had  "  pushed  the 
right  of  his  skirmishers  to  within  seventy-five  paces  of  the  fort 
and  had  sent  back  to  his  reserves  for  two  hundred  men  with 
which  to  possess  the  fort,  but  his  messenger  was  there  informed 
that  orders  from  the  department  commander  bade  him  retire," 
which  he  did. 

Let  us  see  what  these  two  hundred  men  would  have  had  to 
do  to  make  what  Curtis  calls  a  "virtual,"  an  actual  possession  of 
the  fort. 

Colonel  Lamb  had  a  force  of  fourteen  hundred  men,  nine 
hundred  of  whom  were  veterans.  Whiting,  Lamb  and  other 
officers  commend  the  discipline,  skill  and  gallantry  of  the  gar 
rison.  I  will  not  take  time  to  quote  from  their  reports.  They 
all  show  that  the  officers  of  the  fort  were  keenly  alive  to  our 
movements.  Colonel  Lamb  states  that  he  intentionally  kept 
his  men  hidden  from  view.  He  was  perfectly  familiar  with  the 
surroundings,  both  within  and  without  the  fort. 

Now,  the  one  question  to  decide  is,  could  those  two  hundred 
men,  sent  for  by  Curtis,  have  taken  possession  of  that  palisaded 
Malakoff  fortress,  with  its  garrison  of  fourteen  hundred  men  ? 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Barney,  who  commanded  our  forces 
behind  the  picket  line,  nowhere  intimates  that  we  had  any  kind 
of  possession  of  the  fort. 

Even  Curtis  reports,  officially,  that  his  skirmishers  were  met 
with  musketry  and  canister,  and  that  he  retired  under  a  heavy 
fire. 

In  making  a  decision,  Lamb's  report  must  not  be  overlooked. 
He  reports  :  "That  it  was  dark  at  5.30,  when  the  fleet  ceased 


THE   CAPTURE    OF    FORT    FISHER  291 

firing.  No  assault  could  be  made  while  the  fleet  was  firing. 
When  the  firing  ceased  the  parapets  (which  were  twenty  feet 
high)  were  at  once  manned  and  half  of  the  garrison  (seven  hun 
dred  men)  were  stationed  outside  the  work  behind  the  palisade, 
which  was  nine  feet  high  and  pierced  for  musketry."  What 
soldier  will  say  we  had  "  virtual "  possession  of  the  fort  under 
such  circumstances  ? 

The  second  expedition  took  this  question  from  the  realm  of 
speculation. 

Three  weeks  after  the  first  attempt  we  were  back  again 
before  the  fort,  which,  because  of  the  efficient  bombardment  of 
the  Navy,  was  far  less  capable  of  resistance.  A  column  of  two 
thousand  sailors  and  marines  were  to  make  a  gallant  assault  on 
the  sea  angle  simultaneously  with  ours,  thereby  to  create  a 
diversion,  greatly  to  our  advantage. 

Curtis  had  in  his  brigade,  now  forming  the  first  line,  more 
than  twice  as  many  men  as  he  had  before  the  fort  on  the  first 
expedition.  Again  I  gave  him  the  order  to  take  the  fort.  Did 
he  take  it  ?  No.  His  brigade,  led  by  Captain  Lawrence,  made 
a  lodgment  on  one  corner  of  it  —  a  lodgment  so  uncertain  that 
I  immediately  ordered  up  Colonel  Pennypacker's  brigade,  which, 
inspired  and  led  by  him  and  Colonel  Moore,  reached  the  third 
traverse  and  made  our  foothold  secure.  Such  are  the  official 
records  of  the  battle. 

I  wish  to  touch  one  other  point.  Badeau  writes  in  this  same 
history  :  "  The  fighting  was  continued  from  traverse  to  traverse, 
until  at  9  o'clock  the  troops  had  nearly  reached  the  bastion. 
Bell  had  been  killed  and  Pennypacker  wounded,  and  Curtis  now 
sent  back  for  reinforcements.  The  advance  party  was  in 
imminent  peril,  for  the  guns  from  both  bastions  and  the  mound 
batteries  were  turned  upon  them.  At  this  crisis  a  staff  officer 
brought  orders  from  Terry  to  stop  fighting  and  begin  intrench 
ing.  Curtis  was  inflamed  with  the  magnificent  rage  of  battle, 
and  fairly  roared  at  this  command,  '  Then  we  shall  lose  whatever 
we  have  gained.  The  enemy  will  drive  us  from  here  in  the 


292  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

morning.'  While  he  spoke  he  was  struck  by  a  shell,  and  fell 
senseless  to  the  earth.  The  hero  of  Fort  Fisher  had  fallen,  and 
the  fort  was  not  yet  carried.  Ames,  who  was  near  him,  sent  an 
officer  to  Terry  to  report  that  Curtis  was  killed,  and  that  his 
dying  request  was  that  the  fighting  might  go  on.  It  was  also 
Ames's  opinion  that  the  battle  should  proceed.  Terry  caught 
the  contagion,  and  determined  to  continue  the  assault,  even  if  it 
became  necessary  to  abandon  the  line  of  defence  towards  Wil 
mington.  Abbott's  reinforcements  were  at  once  ordered  for 
ward,  and  as  they  entered  the  fort  the  rebels  on  the  bastion  gave 
way  and  Fort  Fisher  was  carried."  It  is  due  to  Badeau  to  state 
that  he  says  in  a  note  that  he  "obtained  the  account  of  this 
assault  from  a  paper  written  by  an  aide-de-camp  to  General 
Curtis." 

This  remarkable  statement  deserves  a  moment's  considera 
tion.  If  it  be  true,  then  all  the  chief  honors  must  fall  on  one 
head.  But  it  is  not  true.  If  Terry  gave  orders  to  stop  fight 
ing  and  begin  intrenching,  who  can  believe  that  it  was  through 
the  "  contagion  caught  "  by  him  from  Curtis  that  the  fight 
continued,  or  that  he  would  "abandon  the  line  towards  Wil 
mington  "  to  try  uncertainties  at  the  fort  ? 

Terry  reports  :  "  When  Bell's  brigade  was  ordered  into 
action  I  foresaw  that  more  troops  would  probably  be  needed, 
and  sent  an  order  for  Abbott's  brigade  to  move  down  from  the 
north  line,  at  the  same  time  requesting  Captain  Breese  to 
replace  them  with  his  sailors  and  marines.  I  also  directed 
General  Paine  to  send  me  one  of  the  strongest  regiments  of 
his  own  division  ;  these  troops  arrived  at  dusk  and  reported  to 
General  Ames." 

This  treatment  of  Terry  and  the  ignoring  of  division, 
brigade  and  regimental  commanders  find  no  justification  in  the 
facts.  Terry  is  entitled  to  every  honor  due  his  position. 
Pennypacker  and  Bell  cannot  be  swept  aside  so  lightly,  nor 
the  regimental  commanders,  whose  names  I  need  not  give 
here. 


THE   CAPTURE    OF    FORT    FISHER  293 

I  would  say  specifically  to  that  reference  to  myself,  that  I 
did  not  send  any  request,  "  dying "  or  other,  from  Curtis  to 
Terry  that  the  fighting  might  go  on. 

If  Terry  intended  my  division  to  stop  fighting  and  begin 
intrenching  he  did  not  send  the  order  to  Curtis,  one  of  my 
brigade  commanders,  nor  would  Terry  send  reinforcements  to 
Curtis  over  my  head. 

According  to  this  aide,  Curtis  was  wounded  at  9  o'clock 
while  criticising  Terry's  order  to  stop  fighting  and  begin 
intrenching.  I  say  in  my  report  that  Curtis  was  wounded  "a 
short  time  before  dark  "  on  that  brief  winter's  day. 

I  saw  him  in  and  emerge  from  a  covered  way  at  the  west 
end  of  the  parapet.  He  approached  me  and  began  to  speak  ; 
almost  at  the  same  time  a  shot  struck  him  down.  Colonel 
Daggett,  who  succeeded  to  the  command  of  Curtis's  brigade, 
reports  two  days  after  :  Curtis  was  seriously  wounded  about 
4.30.  General  Carleton,  who  was  with  me  at  the  time,  and 
picked  up  his  sword  as  he  fell,  says  Curtis  was  shot  at  about 
4.30. 

And  yet  Badeau  would  have  us  believe  that  Curtis  was 
wounded  while  criticising  Terry's  order  to  stop  fighting  and 
begin  intrenching,  at  9  o'clock,  some  four  hours  after  Curtis  fell 
senseless  at  my  feet. 

In  fact,  he  was  wounded  before  dark,  about  an  hour  and  a 
half  after  the  battle  began,  and  some  four  hours  before  the  fort 
was  taken.  The  exact  minute  is  of  no  importance.  Partici 
pants  in  a  battle  are  poor  judges  of  passing  time. 

In  this  instance  it  is  fixed  accurately  enough  in  the  official 
reports  of  Daggett,  Abbott  and  myself,  as  well  as  Carleton's 
statement  of  his  recollections. 

General  Terry  says  in  his  official  report  of  the  battle : 
"  Brigadier  General  Curtis  and  Colonels  Pennypacker,  Bell  and 
Abbott,  the  brigade  commanders,  led  them  with  the  utmost 
gallantry.  Curtis  was  wounded  after  fighting  in  the  front  rank, 
rifle  in  hand  ;  Pennypacker  while  carrying  the  standard  of  one 


294  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

of  his  regiments,  the  first  man  in  a  charge  over  a  traverse  ;  Bell 
was  mortally  wounded  near  the  palisade." 

This  is  all,  literally  all,  Terry  says  of  exceptional  services  by 
Curtis.  "Fighting  in  the  front  rank,  rifle  in  hand"  is  most 
commendable  under  the  circumstances,  but  it  does  not  in  itself 
justify  claims  for  exceptional  honors. 

My  report  says  :  "  The  conduct  of  the  officers  and  men  of 
this  division  was  most  gallant.  .  .  .  Where  the  name  of  every 
officer  and  man  engaged  in  this  desperate  conflict  should  be 
submitted,  I  shall  at  present  only  be  able  to  give  a  few  of  those 
most  conspicuous.  It  is  hoped  all  may  be  properly  rewarded. 

"Brevet  Brig.  General  N.  M.  Curtis,  commanding  First 
Brigade,  was  prominent  throughout  the  day  for  his  bravery,  cool 
ness  and  judgment.  His  services  cannot  be  overestimated.  He 
fell  a  short  time  before  dark,  seriously  wounded  in  the  head  by 
a  canister  shot. 

"  Colonel  Pennypacker,  commanding  the  Second  Brigade, 
was  seriously  wounded  while  planting  his  colors  on  the  third 
traverse  of  the  work.  This  officer  was  surpassed  by  none,  and 
his  absence  during  the  day  was  most  deeply  felt  and  seriously 
regretted. 

"  Colonel  L.  Bell,  commanding  Third  Brigade,  was  mortally 
wounded  while  crossing  the  bridge  in  advance  of  the  palisading. 
He  was  an  able  and  efficient  officer ;  one  not  easily  replaced. 

"  Colonel  J.  W.  Moore,  2O3rd  Pennsylvania  Volunteers,  be 
haved  with  the  most  distinguished  gallantry.  He  was  killed 
while  passing  the  second  traverse  of  the  fort,  in  advance  of  his 
regiment,  waving  his  colors.  Few  equalled,  none  surpassed 
this  brave  officer." 

My  report  on  Curtis  is  not  less  generous  than  Terry's  ;  but 
it  was  not  intended  to,  and  I  doubt  if  it  does,  sustain  his  pre 
tensions  of  this  day. 

The  official  records,  written  thirty-two  years  ago,  must  be 
the  foundation  for  all  claims  of  honor  and  distinction.  Nothing 
can  now  be  added  to  them  or  taken  from  them.  By  them  we 
all  must  be  judged. 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    FORT    FISHER  295 

Misrepresentations  greatly  injured  General  Butler,  and  deeply 
humiliated  General  Weitzel.  Truth  has  been  outraged  —  truth 
overslow  in  the  pursuit  of  falsehood,  not  always  the  most  agree 
able  company. 

In  this  paper  I  have  attempted  to  right  a  wrong.  I  have 
given  few  opinions  of  my  own.  I  have  called  up  the  actors 
themselves,  and  have  let  them  speak  in  their  own  words  —  some 
times  under  oath  —  always  under  a  sense  of  grave  responsibility. 

[The  writer  wishes  to  state  to  those  who  heard  the  paper  read  before  the 
Commanderies  of  the  Loyal  Legion  of  the  States  of  Massachusetts,  November  4th, 
1896,  and  New  York,  February  3rd,  1897,  that,  in  the  accompanying  pamphlet,  in 
which  it  is  reproduced,  he  has  omitted  reference  to  the  time  when  a  flag  was  cap 
tured  and  the  time  and  place  a  Lieutenant  was  made  a  prisoner,  and  also  as  to 
having  heard  of  and  from  General  Curtis. 

This  has  been  done  because  the  accuracy  of  these  statements  has  been  ques 
tioned,  and  also  because,  accurate  or  inaccurate,  they  are  immaterial  to  the  issues 
involved. 

He  prefers  to  stand  on  the  official  records  made  at  the  time  and  not  on  recol 
lections  after  a  period  of  thirty-two  years. 

If,  however,  any  of  his  hearers  offers  the  slightest  objection  to  this  action, 
whatever  the  motive,  the  writer  is  quite  willing  to  be  held  to  the  text  as  read.] 


THE   CAPTURE   OF  FORT  FISHER 


THE   CAPTURE   OF   FORT   FISHER 

liV 

BREVET    MAJOR   GENERAL    N.   MARTIN    CURTIS,  U.S.V. 


GENERAL  GRANT,  in  the  iQth  Chapter  of  the  2cl  Volume  of 
his  Personal  Memoirs,  refers  to  Fort  Fisher  in  the  following 
words  : 

"  Up  to  January,  1865,  the  enemy  occupied  Fort  Fisher,  at  the  mouth  of 
Cape  Fear  River  and  below  the  City  of  Wilmington.  This  port  was  of  immense 
importance  to  the  Confederates,  because  it  formed  their  principal  inlet  for  block 
ade-runners,  by  means  of  which  they  brought  in  from  abroad  such  supplies  and 
munitions  of  war  as  they  could  not  procure  at  home.  It  was  equally  important 
to  us  to  get  possession  of  it,  not  only  because  it  was  desirable  to  cut  off  their 
supplies  so  as  to  ensure  a  speedy  termination  of  the  war,  but  also  because  foreign 
governments,  particularly  the  British  government,  were  constantly  threatening 
that  unless  ours  could  maintain  the  blockade  off  that  coast  they  should  cease  to 
recognize  any  blockade.  For  these  reasons  I  determined,  with  the  concurrence 
of  the  Navy  Department,  in  December,  to  send  an  expedition  against  Fort  Fisher 
for  the  purpose  of  capturing  it." 

Thomas  E.  Taylor,  an  English  merchant,  one  of  the  most 
active  and  successful  blockade-runners  during  the  war,  says  in 
his  book,  "  Running  the  Blockade,"  page  139  : 

"  That  morning  (in  Richmond,  Va.,  December,  1864)  I  had  an  appointment 
with  the  Commissary  General,  who  divulged  to  me  under  promise  of  secrecy  that 
Lee's  army  was  in  terrible  straits,  and  had  in  fact  rations  for  only  thirty  days. 
He  asked  me  if  I  could  help  him.  I  said  I  would  do  my  best,  and  after  some 
negotiations  he  undertook  to  pay  me  a  profit  of  350  per  cent  upon  any  provisions 
and  meat  'I  could  bring  in  within  the  next  three  weeks.  .  .  .  Although  it  wras  a 
hard  trip  it  paid  well,  as  we  had  on  board  coming  out  a  most  magnificent  cargo, 
a  great  deal  of  sea  island  cotton,  the  profits  upon  which  and  the  provisions  I  had 
taken  in  amounted  to  over  eighty-five  thousand  pounds  —  not  bad  wrork  for  about 
twenty  days." 

January  I5th,  1865,  the  day  of  the  capture  of  Fort  Fisher, 
he  wrote  from  Nassau  to  his  chiefs  in  Liverpool,  England  : 
(p.  136,  same  vol.)  : 

299 


300  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

"Altogether  I  think  the  Confederate  government  is  going  to  the  bad,  and  if 
they  don't  take  care  the  Confederacy  will  go  too.  I  never  saw  things  look  so 
gloomy,  and  I  think  spring  will  finish  them  unless  they  make  a  change  for  the 
better.  Georgia  is  gone,  and  they  say  Sherman  is  going  to  seize  Branchville  ;  if 
he  does  Charleston  and  Wilmington  will  be  done  —  and  if  Wilmington  goes  Lee 
has  to  evacuate  Richmond  and  retire  into  Tennessee.  He  told  me  the  other  day 
that  if  they  did  not  keep  Wilmington  they  could  not  save  Richmond.  They  nearly 
had  Fort  Fisher  —  they  were  within  sixty  yards  of  it  —  and  had  they  pushed  on 
as  they  ought  to  have  done  could  have  taken  it.  It  was  a  terrific  bombardment ; 
they  estimate  that  about  40,000  shells  were  sent  into  it.  Colonel  Lamb  behaved 
like  a  brick  — splendidly.  I  got  the  last  of  the  Whitworths  in,  and  they  are  now 
at  the  fort.  They  are  very  hard  up  for  food  in  the  field,  but  the  Banshee  has  this 
time  600  barrels  of  pork  and  1 500  boxes  of  meat  —  enough  to  feed  Lee's  army 
for  a  month." 

When  Colonel  Lamb  took  command  of  the  fort,  July  4th, 
1 862,  he  found  it  a  quadrilateral  work  with  six  guns,  flanked 
north  and  south  by  five  detached  batteries  carrying  eleven  guns, 
four  of  which  were  casemated.  Only  one  of  the  seventeen 
guns  was  of  modern  ordnance.  He  stated  that  the  frigate 
Minnesota  could  have  destroyed  the  works  and  driven  them  out 
in  a  few  hours.  During  his  occupation  of  the  fort  he  made  it 
the  largest  and  best  equipped  fortification  constructed  by  the 
Confederates,  as  shown  in  his  description  of  it  as  it  stood  before 
the  attack. 

At  the  land-face  of  Fort  Fisher,  five  miles  from  the  in 
trenched  camp  at  Sugar  Loaf,  the  peninsula  was  about  half  a 
mile  wide.  This  face  commenced  about  a  hundred  feet  from 
the  river  with  a  half  bastion,  and  extended  with  a  heavy  curtain 
to  a  full  bastion  on  the  ocean  side,  where  it  joined  the  sea-face, 
without  moat,  scarp  and  counterscarp.  The  outer  slope  was 
twenty  feet  high  from  the  berm  to  the  top  of  the  parapet,  at 
an  angle  of  45°,  and  was  sodded  with  marsh  grass,  which  grew 
luxuriantly.  The  parapet  was  not  less  than  twenty-five  feet 
thick,  with  an  inclination  of  only  one  foot.  The  revetment  was 
five  feet  nine  inches  high  from  the  floor  of  the  gun-chambers, 
and  these  were  some  twelve  feet  or  more  from  the  interior 
plane.  The  guns  were  all  mounted  in  barbette,  on  Columbiad 
carriages  ;  there  was  not  a  single  casemated  gun  in  the  fort. 


THE   CAPTURE    OF    FORT  FISHER  301 

Between  the  gun-chambers,  containing  one  or  two  guns  each 
(there  were  twenty  heavy  guns  on  the  land-face)  there  were 
heavy  traverses,  exceeding  in  size  any  known  to  engineers,  to 
protect  from  an  enfilading  fire.  They  extended  out  some 
twelve  feet  on  the  parapet  and  were  twelve  feet  or  more  in 
height  above  the  parapet  running  back  thirty  feet  or  more. 
The  gun-chambers  were  reached  from  the  rear  by  steps.  In 
each  traverse  was  an  alternate  magazine  or  bomb-proof,  the 
latter  ventilated  by  an  air-chamber.  Passageways  penetrated 
the  traverses  in  the  interior  of  the  work,  forming  additional 
bomb-proofs  for  the  reliefs  for  the  guns. 

The  sea-face  for  a  hundred  yards  from  the  northeast  bastion 
was  of  the  same  massive  character  as  the  land-face.  A  crescent 
battery  intended  for  four  guns  adjoined  this.  A  series  of  batter 
ies  extended  for  three-quarters  of  a  mile  along  the  sea,  connected 
by  an  infantry  curtain.  These  batteries  had  heavy  traverses  ten 
or  twelve  feet  high  above  the  top  of  the  parapets.  On  this  line 
was  a  bomb-proof  electric  battery  connected  with  a  system  of  sub 
marine  torpedoes.  Farther  along  a  mound  battery  sixty  feet  high 
was  erected,  with  two  heavy  guns,  which  had  a  plunging  fire  on  the 
channel ;  this  was  connected  with  the  battery  north  of  it  by  a 
light  curtain.  Following  the  line  of  the  works  it  was  one  mile 
from  the  angle  of  the  sea  and  land  faces  to  the  mound,  and  upon 
this  line  twenty-four  heavy  guns  were  mounted.  From  the 
mound  for  nearly  a  mile  to  the  end  of  the  point  was  a  level  sand 
plain  scarcely  three  feet  above  high  tide,  and  much  of  it  was  sub 
merged  during  gales.  At  this  point  was  Battery  Buchanan,  of 
four  guns,  in  the  shape  of  an  ellipse,  commanding  the  inlet,  its 
two  1 1 -inch  guns  covering  the  approach  by  land.  An  advanced 
redoubt  with  a  24-pounder  was  added  after  the  first  expedition. 
A  wharf  for  large  steamers  was  in  close  proximity  to  these  works. 
As  a  defence  against  infantry  there  was  a  system  of  sub- 
terra  torpedoes  extending  across  the  peninsula,  five  to  six  hun 
dred  feet  from  the  land-face,  and  so  disconnected  that  the  explo 
sion  of  one  would  not  affect  the  others  ;  inside  the  torpedoes, 


302  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

about  fifty  feet  from  the  bcrm  of  the  work,  extending  from 
river  bank  to  sea-shore,  was  a  heavy  palisade  of  sharpened 
logs  nine  feet  high,  pierced  for  musketry.  There  was  a  redoubt 
guarding  the  sally-port,  from  which  two  Napoleons  were  run  out, 
as  occasion  required.  At  the  river  end  of  the  palisade  was  a 
deep  and  muddy  slough,  across  which  was  a  bridge,  over  which 
the  river  road  entered  the  fort.  Commanding  this  bridge  was  a 
Napoleon  gun.  There  were  three  mortars  in  rear  of  the  land- 
face. 

Colonel  Lamb  says  : 

"  Fort  Fisher  commanded  the  last  gateway  between  the  Confederate  States  and 
the  outside  world.  Its  capture  with  the  resulting  loss  of  all  the  Cape  Fear  River 
defences,  and  of  Wilmington,  the  great  importing  depot  of  the  South,  effectually 
ended  all  blockade  running.  Lee  sent  me  word  that  Fort  Fisher  must  be  held  or 
he  could  not  subsist  his  army." 

General  Butler  reported  at  8  P.M.,  December  27th,  to  General 
Grant,  his  return  to  Fortress  Monroe,  briefly  stating  the  oper 
ations  of  the  men  under  his  command,  and  his  reasons  for  with 
drawing  his  forces.  He  stated  that  all  but  about  three  hundred 
were  re-embarked  before  he  left  the  North  Carolina  coast,  and  that 
he  had  no  doubt  they  were  all  safely  off  by  that  time.  He  also 
said  that  he  would  go  up  to  see  General  Grant  the  next  morning. 

The  transports  returning  with  the  troops  (excepting  one  on 
which  was  about  one-quarter  of  Curtis's  brigade,  which  did  not 
return  until  after  the  second  expedition  sailed)  passed  the  capes 
and  anchored  in  Hampton  Roads  early  in  the  morning  of  De 
cember  29th,  and  returned  to  their  camps  near  the  New  Mar 
ket  Road  on  the  3<Dth  of  December. 

In  the  interval  between  the  return  of  the  first  expedition 
and  the  departure  of  the  second,  General  Grant  was  in  corre 
spondence  with  the  President,  the  Secretary  of  War,  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Navy  and  Admiral  Porter,  in  reference  to  the  failure 
of  the  first  expedition,  and  the  preparation  going  forward  to  re 
new  the  attack  upon  Fort  Fisher. 

On  January  2nd  General  Grant  requested  General  Butler  to 
send  Major  General  Terry  to  him  at  City  Point,  and  the  same 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    FORT    FISHER  305 

day  issued  Special  Orders  No.  2,  Headquarters  Armies  of  the 
United  States,  directing  eight  thousand  infantry,  two  batteries 
of  artillery  without  horses,  with  four  days'  cooked  rations  in  hav 
ersacks,  to  be  got  in  immediate  readiness  to  embark  on  trans 
ports,  with  orders  to  report  to  Major  General  W.  T.  Sherman, 
at  Savannah,  Ga.  ;  that  the  troops  and  artillery  of  the  late  ex 
pedition  against  Wilmington,  being  experienced  in  embarking 
and  debarking,  should  be  selected,  and  to  make  up  the  balance 
of  the  eight  thousand,  good  and  tried  soldiers  of  the  Second 
Brigade,  First  Division,  Twenty-fourth  Army  Corps,  should  be 
taken.  Brevet  Major  General  A.  H.  Terry,  U.  S.  Vols.,  was 
assigned  to  the  command  of  these  forces,  and  directed  that  every 
practicable  precaution  should  be  observed  to  prevent  information 
of  any  movement  of  troops  getting  to  the  enemy. 

On  January  2nd  General  Grant  gave  General  Terry  written 
instructions  to  renew  the  attack  on  Fort  Fisher,  with  details  for 
his  co-operation  with  Admiral  Porter. 

On  January  4th  Lieutenant  Colonel  C.  B.  Comstock,  Aide- 
de-camp,  \vas  directed  to  report  to  General  Terry,  and  accom 
pany  him  as  chief  engineer  of  the  expedition  under  his  command. 

January  4th,  en  receipt  of  a  letter  from  Admiral  Porter, 
General  Grant  gave  General  Terry  additional  instructions  gov 
erning  his  action  after  joining  Admiral  Porter's  fleet.  When  the 
troops  went  down  the  James  River,  General  Grant  accompanied 
General  Terry  to  Fortress  Monroe,  and  gave  such  verbal  in 
structions  as  he  deemed  necessary. 

January  4th,  1865,  five  days  after  returning  from  the  first 
expedition,  the  First  Brigade  broke  camp,  marched  in  a  heavy 
snow-storm  to  Bermuda  Landing,  and  bivouacked  for  the  night. 

The  next  morning,  General  Adelbert  Ames,  commanding 
Second  Division,  Twenty-fourth  Army  Corps,  directed  me  to 
embark  my  brigade  on  two  river  steamers,  proceed  to  Hampton 
Roads,  transfer  my  command  to  the  steamship  Atlantic  and 
to  reserve  rooms  on  board  the  ship  for  himself  and  staff  ;  and 
he  especially  directed  that  neither  myself  nor  any  member  of 


304  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

my  command  should  leave  the  ship  after  boarding  it.  The  trip 
down  the  James  River,  and  the  transfer  of  the  troops  to  the 
Atlantic  were  made  before  sundown.  Before  dark  all  the  division 
officers,  except  General  Ames  and  his  aide,  Captain  Henry  C. 
Lockwood,  came  on  board,  and  reported  that  General  Ames  and 
Captain  Lockwood  would  soon  join  us.  Two  rooms  had  been 
reserved  for  General  Ames,  and  one  for  each  of  his  staff. 

About  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening  information  reached  us 
that  Ames's  division,  Twenty-fourth  Army  Corps,  Paine's 
division,  Twenty-fifth  Corps  (Colored),  J.  C.  Abbott's  Second 
Brigade,  First  Division,  Twrenty-fourth  Army  Corps,  and  two 
batteries  of  artillery  were  on  transports  in  Hampton  Roads. 

At  five  minutes  after  twelve  o'clock  that  night  Captain  Alger 
non  E.  Smith,  1 1 /th  New  York,  aide  to  General  A.  H.  Terry, 
brought  to  my  state-room  a  sealed  envelope  addressed  "  To  the 
Senior  Officer  on  Board  the  Atlantic"  and  asked  me  to  take  and 
receipt  for  it.  This  I  declined  to  do,  informing  him  that  General 
Ames  was  the  senior  officer  on  board,  and  the  proper  person  to 
receive  it.  He  left,  but  soon  returned  with  one  of  the  division 
staff,  who  reported  that  General  Ames  was  not  at  that  time  on 
board.  I  then  receipted  for  the  despatch,  and  after  reading  it  to 
the  division  staff  officer,  requested  him  to  acquaint  General 
Ames  with  its  contents  as  soon  as  he  could  do  so.  The  orders 
addressed  "To  the  Senior  Officer  on  Board  the  Atlantic"  and 
the  sealed  orders  addressed  "To  be  opened  off  Cape  Henry," 
read  as  follows  : 

HEADQUARTERS  EXPEDITIONARY  FORCES, 

GENERAL  ORDERS,  )  Januarv  5,  1865. 

No.  2.  \ 

The  vessels  containing  the  troops  of  this  expedition  will  leave  Hampton  Roads 
precisely  at  4  A.M.  to-morrow.  As  far  as  possible  the  vessels  containing  the  troops 
of  each  division  will  keep  together,  and  the  whole  fleet  will  follow  the  flagship, 
which  will  carry  red,  white,  and  green  lights  at  the  masthead.  They  will  pass  out 
between  the  capes,  and  when  off  Cape  Henry  the  sealed  orders  which  are  furnished 
to  the  commanding  officer  on  each  transport  will  be  opened.  The  speed  of  the 
transports  will  be  as  nearly  as  possible  eight  knots  per  hour. 

By  order  of  Bvt.  Maj.  Gen.  A.  H.  TERRY: 
A.  TERRY,  Captain,  and  Assistant  Adjutant  General." 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    FORT    FISHER  305 

HEADQUARTERS  EXPEDITIONARY  FORCES, 

January  5,  s86j. 
SEALED  ORDERS, 

COMMANDING  OFFICER  OF  TROOPS, 

On  Board  of  U.  S.  Transport  Atlantic  : 
SIR: 

The  transport  fleet  will  rendezvous  twenty-five   miles  off    Beaufort,  N.C. 
You  will  immediately  proceed  to  that  point  and  report  to  the  senior  officer  of  the 
expedition  present  at  the  time  of  your  arrival. 
You  will  then  await  further  orders. 

By  order  of  Bvt.  Maj.  Gen.  A.  IT.  TERRY  : 

A.  TERRY,  Captain,  and  Assistant  Adjutant  General. 

I  sent  word  to  Captain  Gray,  commanding  the  ship  to  weigh 
anchor  and  be  ready  to  sail  at  four  o'clock  in  the  morning.  I 
went  on  deck  at  3  A.M.,  and  found  the  men  weighing  anchor  ; 
but  the  ship  waited  for  its  position  in  the  line  until  after  day 
light,  and  then  passed  out  between  the  capes.  While  sailing  out 
breakfast  was  served  to  the  officers  in  the  cabin.  Before  taking 
seats  at  the  table  I  requested  Captain  Charles  A.  Carleton,  acting 
assistant  adjutant  general  on  division  staff,  to  invite  General  Ames 
to  join  us.  He  replied,  "General  Ames  did  not  come  on  board 
until  late,  and  will  not  breakfast  for  several  hours."  Before  the 
officers  left  the  table  Captain  Gray  was  called  on  deck.  He  soon 
returned  and  reported  that  the  ship  was  off  Cape  Henry,  and 
asked  for  further  orders.  I  handed  to  Captain  Carleton  the 
sailing  orders,  as  well  as  the  sealed  orders,  "  To  be  opened 
when  off  Cape  Henry,"  and  requested  him  to  give  them  to 
General  Ames.  At  first  Captain  Carleton  declined  to  do  so, 
saying  he  did  not  wish  to  disturb  General  Ames,  and  said  that  I 
should  open  the  envelope  and  attend  to  all  matters  of  detail 
while  on  shipboard,  as  Colonel  Bell  had  done  on  the  first  ex 
pedition.  I  replied  that  I  should  not  assume  any  of  the  duties 
of  the  division  commander  until  directed  by  him  to  do  so,  and 
that  if  he  declined  to  take  the  orders  to  General  Ames  I  would 
send  one  of  my  own  staff.  Thereupon  Captain  Carleton  took  the 
orders  to  the  state-room  in  which  General  Ames's  baggage  had 
been  placed,  but  soon  returned  to  the  cabin  and  reported  that 
General  Ames  was  not  on  board  the  ship. 


306  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

During  the  second  day  after  the  arrival  of  the  division  at  the 
rendezvous  off  Beaufort,  N.  C.,  General  Ames  and  his  personal 
aide,  Captain  Lockwood,  came  on  board  the  Atlantic  from  a 
hospital  ship  which  had  sailed  from  Fortress  Monroe  the  clay 
following  the  departure  of  the  expedition.  General  Ames  then 
charged  General  Curtis  with  "  sailing  with  his  division  for  the 
purpose  of  commanding  it,"  and  used  offensive  words,  which 
were  promptly  resented  and  their  retraction  demanded.  Follow 
ing  this  unhappy  and  uncalled  for  incident  the  intercourse 
between  these  officers  was  limited  to  the  strictest  requirements 
of  official  duty. 

After  the  sailing  of  the  troops  above  mentioned,  Brevet 
Brigadier  General  H.  L.  Abbott  sailed  from  Fortress  Monroe, 
on  the  /th  of  January,  with  a  siege  train  of  twenty  3O-pounder 
and  four  loo-pounder  Parrott  guns,  twenty  Coehorn  mortars, 
three  companies  of  the  1st  Connecticut  Heavy  Artillery,  and 
two  companies  of  the  1 5th  New  York  Engineers.  This  addi 
tional  force  joined  us  at  the  rendezvous  one  day  before  the 
landing. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  Friday,  January  I3th,  the  vessels 
of  Admiral  Porter's  squadron  moved  into  position  before  Fort 
Fisher  and  opened  a  vigorous  bombardment  of  the  fort,  which  con 
tinued  without  cessation  until  its  capture.  About  eight  o'clock 
A.M.  a  division  of  light  draught  naval  vessels  was  detached  from 
the  squadron  to  cover  the  landing  of  the  troops,  which  was  com 
pleted  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  together  with  extra 
rations,  ammunition  and  intrenching  tools.  The  landing  was 
made  through  a  heavy  surf  in  which  officers,  men,  provisions  in 
haversacks,  and  ammunition  in  boxes  were  thoroughly  soaked. 

A  line  established  across  the  peninsula  in  the  early  morning 
was  soon  abandoned  for  a  second  line,  a  mile  farther  south,  on 
which  breastworks  extending  from  the  beach  to  the  Cape  Fear 
River  were  thrown  up  during  the  night  and  completed  at  eight 
o'clock  the  next  morning,  when  the  troops  of  General  Ames's 
division  were  withdrawn  from  the  line.  General  Paine's  divis- 


THE   CAPTURE    OF    FORT   FISHER  307 

ion  and  Abbott's  brigade  (under  command  of  General  Paine) 
were  left  to  defend  it  if  attacked  by  the  enemy,  then  in  large 
force  at  Sugar  Loaf,  two  and  a  half  miles  north.  The  maintain 
ing  of  this  line  was  of  vital  importance  —  a  failure  to  do  so 
would  have  caused  the  withdrawal  of  troops  from  before  the 
fort,  to  reinforce  the  line.  General  Terry  was  justified,  in  view 
of  the  past  services  of  the  troops  under  Generals  Paine  and 
Abbott,  in  leaving  it  in  their  charge.  The  regiments  of 
Abbott's  brigade  were  first  organized  under  General  Terry,  and 
he  always  fondly  referred  to  it  as  "  his  old  brigade."  They  were 
prepared  to  make  a  stubborn  defence,  but  the  mildness  of 
General  Bragg's  demonstrations  did  not  rise  to  the  dignity  of  an 
attack  at  any  time.  Not  only  did  he  not,  throughout  the 
day,  force  back  the  line  ;  his  fire  did  not  wound  a  single  Union 
soldier. 

For  the  third  time  since  he  rejoined  the  expedition,  General 
Ames  now  requested  General  Terry  to  promise  that  he  would 
not  designate  General  Curtis  for  any  special  duty,  and,  failing 
to  obtain  assurance  that  his  request  would  be  complied  with, 
stated  to  General  Terry  that  he  would  not  be  responsible  for 
the  success  of  any  movement  with  which  General  Curtis  was 
charged.  Thereupon  General  Terry  answered  :  "  I  have  known 
General  Curtis  for  nearly  two  years,  and  have  perfect  confidence 
in  his  ability  and  fidelity.  I  will  relieve  him  from  your  com 
mand,  and  direct  him  to  report  to  me  for  orders."  Immediately 
after  this  General  Terry  informed  me  that  from  that  time  I 
should  receive  all  orders  from  him  direct.  A  brief  statement 
of  this  incident  is  made  to  give  a  better  understanding  of 
subsequent  events. 

Soon  after  being  relieved  from  General  Ames's  command  my 
brigade  accompanied  General  Terry  and  Colonel  Comstock, 
Aide  to  General  Grant,  to  Battery  Holland,  below  Craig's  Land 
ing,  where  a  small  steamer,  loaded  with  forage  and  ammunition, 
was  captured.  While  marching  down  a  shell  from  the  rebel 
gunboat  Chickamauga,  lying  in  the  Cape  Fear  River,  ex- 


308  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

ploded  near  the  head  of  the  column,  seriously  wounding  Captain 
J.  H.  Reeve,  commanding  the  3rd  New  York,  and  three  men 
of  the  brigade. 

A  skirmish  line  was  sent  forward  from  Battery  Holland, 
under  cover  of  which  General  Terry,  Colonel  Comstock  and 
myself  went  along  the  sand  dunes  near  the  river  to  within  six 
hundred  yards  of  the  fort.  After  completing  his  observations 
General  Terry  asked,  "Do  you  think  the  fort  can  be  successfully 
assaulted  with  the  force  I  can  spare  from  the  line  established 
last  night,  the  holding  of  which  is  of  the  first  importance  ?  "  I 
replied  that  I  believed  the  three  brigades  already  withdrawn 
from  the  line  could  carry  the  fort  by  an  assault  if  the  disposi 
tions  were  properly  made,  and  if  the  Navy  should  support  the 
troops  from  start  to  finish.  He  said,  "  It  has  been  definitely 
determined  that  in  case  an  assault  is  made  you  will  make  it. 
I  will  see  Admiral  Porter  this  evening,  and  we  will  then  decide 
what  course  to  pursue." 

General  Terry  directed  me  to  remain  near  the  fort  if  I  could 
do  so  safely,  or  to  retire  to  the  reserves  near  the  breastworks 
thrown  up  the  night  before,  where  he  could  be  found  to  receive 
reports  of  any  incidents  which  I  might  think  it  important  for 
him  to  know.  He  then  returned,  with  Colonel  Comstock,  to 
the  reserves. 

From  a  sand  dune  on  the  right  of  my  skirmish  line  I  took  a 
survey  of  the  ground  in  front  of  the  parapet,  and  determined  to 
throw  up  breastworks  to  protect  the  assaulting  party.  On 
account  of  the  conformation  I  decided  to  construct  these  lines 
at  an  angle  to  the  curtain,  the  left  flanks  to  be  fifty  yards  nearer 
the  fort  than  the  right  flanks.  There  was  marshy  ground  in 
front  of  the  west  half  of  the  parapet,  but  I  preferred  to  march 
through  it  rather  than  go  to  the  eastward  over  dry  ground, 
although  the  west  end  of  the  parapet  was  higher  than  the  east 
end,  as  the  low  ground  in  front  made  it  easier  to  get  under  the 
plane  of  fire  than  at  the  east  end,  \vhere  the  surface  was  higher, 
and  served  as  a  natural  glacis.  Because  of  this,  when  the 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    FORT   FISHER  309 

assault  finally  came  to  be  made,  the  naval  column  was  kept 
under  fire  longer  than  were  the  troops  assaulting  on  the  left 
end  of  the  parapet. 

As  soon  as  it  was  dark  a  skirmish  line  was  deployed  at  five 
paces,  the  front  rank  carrying  muskets,  the  rear  shovels,  and 
advanced  to  the  place  selected  for  the  first  line.  Here  the  men 
in  the  rear  line  proceeded  to  throw  up  enough  sand  to  protect  a 
man  lying  on  his  face,  while  the  line  with  muskets  advanced 
twenty  paces  beyond  the  men  with  shovels.  In  the  drift  sand 
the  work  was  quickly  done.  Then  the  man  with  the  shovel 
went  forward  and  gave  it  to  the  picket,  from  whom  he  took  his 
musket  and  marched  forward  twenty  paces,  while  the  former 
picket  threw  up  the  sand  where  he  stood  ;  and  so  the  lines 
went  forward,  each  man  exchanging  gun  for  shovel.  In  this 
manner  four  lines  of  breastworks  were  laid  out,  the  last  being 
under  the  plane  of  fire.  Details  were  made  to  connect  these 
"  Gopher  Holes,"  as  the  men  called  them,  thus  making  con 
tinuous  lines.  About  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  yards  from 
the  parapet  a  higher  and  heavier  breastwork  was  thrown  up  to 
protect  a  party  of  sharpshooters  ;  and  forty  men,  selected  on 
account  of  their  skill  as  marksmen,  were  immediately  sent  to 
occupy  it.  They  had  orders  to  remain  until  the  next  night,  or 
until  an  assault  should  be  made,  in  which  case  they  were 
instructed  to  join  the  first  line  and  go  to  the  fort.  In  the 
meantime  they  were  to  prevent  the  loading  of  the  Columbiads 
on  the  parapet.  The  work  was  completed  before  dawn,  and 
the  tired  troops  of  the  First  Brigade  turned  in  for  a  well-earned 
rest.  Many  of  those  who  slept  on  the  sands  of  Federal  Point 
the  night  preceding  the  battle  of  January  I5th,  friends  and 
foes  alike,  will,  from  causes  incident  to  the  service,  remember 
that  night,  with  all  its  disagreeable  features,  as  one  which 
afforded  them  sweeter  and  more  restful  slumber  than  they  have 
since  obtained  on  the  softest  couch. 

On  the  morning  of  the  I5th  General  Terry,  with  Colonel 
Comstock,  came  to  Battery  Holland,  and  informed  me  that  it 


310  CIVIL   WAR   PAPERS 

had  been  agreed  between  Admiral  Porter  and  himself  that  the 
three  brigades  of  the  Second  Division  should  attack  the  west 
end  of  the  parapet,  while  sixteen  hundred  sailors  and  four 
hundred  marines  would  attack  the  east  end  at  three  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon.  He  then  asked,  "  What  have  you  done  or  dis 
covered  during  the  night  ?  "  He  was  told  about  the  rifle  pits 
and  their  use  when  advancing  on  the  fort,  and  the  stationing  of 
men  under  the  plane  of  fire  to  keep  the  cannoneers  from  loading 
the  Columbiads  when  the  assaulting  forces  should  take  position 
preliminary  to  the  final  rush.  He  approved  the  work,  and  later 
sent  forward  sixty  men  of  the  I3th  Indiana  (Third  Brigade) 
with  repeating  rifles,  to  join  the  sharpshooters.  They  went 
under  command  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Samuel  M.  Zent,  and 
they  performed  most  valuable  service. 

General  Terry  said  to  me,  "  You  stated  yesterday  that  an 
assault  would  be  successful  'if  the  dispositions  were  properly 
made.'  Your  brigade  is  to  lead,  and  I  should  like  to  know 
your  views  as  to  the  formation."  I  replied  that  I  wished  to 
charge  in  line,  brigade  front,  make  successive  advances  from  one 
rifle  pit  to  the  next,  the  final  rush  not  to  be  made  until  we  were 
as  near  the  fort  as  we  could  get  without  drawing  the  infantry 
fire,  and  that  our  movements  in  this  particular  would  be  gov 
erned  by  the  action  of  the  enemy  in  coming  to  the  parapet ;  that 
when  his  infantry  came  up  we  would  wait  behind  our  newly  made 
rifle  pits  until  the  Navy  pounded  them  down ;  when  they  were 
down  we  would  go  forward  to  the  next  line ;  when  they  came  to 
the  parapet  again  we  would  again  lie  down  until  they  were 
driven  back  ;  and  when  they  should  refuse  to  leave  the  parapet 
we  would  make  the  final  rush  and  get  under  the  plane  of  fire 
before  the  enemy  could  deliver  a  second  volley. 

General  Terry  said,  "  Don't  you  want  to  strike  them  in 
column  with  a  hammer-head  ?"  I  replied,  "After  I  get  under 
the  plane  of  fire  I  will  ;  but  before  that  the  thinner  the  line 
the  better.  The  troops  will  be  in  column  when  they  get  to  the 
parapet.  The  right  regiment  will  go  straight  to  the  right  of  the 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    FORT   FISHER  311 

left  salient,  the  three  other  regiments  will  oblique -to  the  right 
and  strike  the  fort  at  the  same  place,  and  so  reduce  the  front  to 
one-third  of  what  it  will  be  at  the  start.  We  will  pass  the 
stockade  and  mount  the  parapet,  and  if  we  cannot  get  in,  send 
a  brigade  to  push  us  in."  The  subject  was  fully  discussed,  and 
after  Colonel  Comstock  had  given  the  plan  his  approval  General 
Terry  accepted  it.  He  thus  became  responsible  for  the  plan, 
and  ordered  its  execution. 

I  said,  "  General  Terry,  the  final  rush  will  be  made  when 
you  see  me  rise  in  the  middle  of  the  line  and  hear  me  call  aloud. 
Soon  after  you  will  see  the  First  Brigade  go  through  the  stock 
ade  and  up  the  parapet  ;  then  send  Pennypacker's  brigade."  He 
replied,  "  With  the  men  of  your  brigade  on  the  parapet  I  shall 
feel  certain  of  success.  A  lodgment  there  assures  victory." 

About  noon  General  Ames  came  to  the  front  with  Bell's 
and  Pennypacker's  brigades,  and  halted  them  in  rear  of  my 
brigade. 

A  little  time  before  advancing  to  the  line  from  which  the 
start  was  to  be  made,  a  naval  officer,  Lieutenant  Porter,  I 
think,  came  to  me  and  said,  "  General  Terry  informs  me  that 
your  brigade  is  to  lead  in  the  assault,  and  I  desire  to  be  informed 
of  your  plans,  so  that  the  sailors  and  marines  on  the  beach  may 
move  at  the  same  time  you  do."  I  told  him  of  the  plans  for  a 
gradual  approach,  and  that  the  final  rush  would  be  made  when 
the  garrison  remained  on  the  parapet,  at  which  time  the  column 
on  the  beach  should  also  start ;  that  I  did  not  approve  of  the 
formation  the  Navy  seemed  inclined  to  make,  and  feared  the 
result  would  not  be  satisfactory.  He  replied,  "  I  am  sorry 
Army  officers  find  so  much  fault  with  the  Navy.  We  are  try 
ing  to  help  them  on  their  own  ground,  and  they  ought  to  be 
satisfied."  I  answered,  "  You  misunderstand  me.  We  want 
you  very  much,  both  your  guns  on  the  ships  and  your  men  on 
the  shore.  I  speak  as  a  landsman  about  operations  on  land  — 
I  would  not  criticise  nautical  matters.  Your  men  are  too  com 
pactly  formed  —  your  front  is  too  narrow  for  the  depth  of  your 


312  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

column.  To  go  into  action  as  your  men  are  now  formed  places 
you  under  a  great  disadvantage.  You  should  hold  back  your 
main  body  until  your  advanced  line  gets  a  foothold  on  the  fort. 
If  you  go  forward  as  you  are  you  will  be  fearfully  punished,  and 
the  only  good  your  column  will  do  us  will  be  to  receive  the  fire 
which  otherwise  would  come  to  our  lines.  I  fully  understand 
the  great  advantage  the  troops  will  derive  from  this  movement 
of  the  Navy,  but  hesitate  to  commend  it  when  I  think  of  the 
heavy  loss  they  must  sustain  in  making  it  in  the  formation  you 
have  adopted."  The  officer  left,  assuring  me  that  the  Navy 
would  do  its  part  and  merit  approval  whether  the  Army  gave  it 
or  not. 

Two  thousand  men  from  the  Navy,  from  sixty  ships,  unac 
quainted  one  with  another  or  with  the  service  they  were  to 
undertake,  were  brought  together  on  the  beach  to  perform  a 
most  hazardous  work.  The  number  of  officers  was  small  — 
entirely  too  few  for  the  number  of  men  engaged.  As  before 
stated,  the  force  was  too  compact.  The  first  line  should  have 
been  longer  and  thinner,  and  the  main  body  kept  out  of  the  fire 
until  the  first  line  had  reached  the  fort.  Such  a  plan  requires 
good  men  —  veterans  ;  it  is,  however,  the  way  to  assault  fortifi 
cations  with  the  least  loss  of  life,  almost  the  only  plan  by  which 
to  achieve  success. 

Before  advancing  to  the  first  line  every  officer  and  man  had 
been  instructed  as  to  his  movements  and  the  order  in  which 
they  would  take  place,  and  that  the  point  of  attack  would  be 
between  the  first  and  second  traverses. 

Just  before  the  preliminary  movements  were  begun  Captain 
A.  G.  Lawrence,  of  General  Ames's  staff,  came  to  me  and  asked 
if  he  could  go  with  my  brigade.  I  replied  that  he  could  if  he 
would  not  interfere  with  its  movements,  and  sent  him  to  Lieu 
tenant  Colonel  F.  X.  Meyer,  commanding  the  n;th  New  York, 
at  the  right  of  the  line.  Captain  Lawrence  understood  that  I 
was  not  under  the  command  of  his  chief,  and  that  he  could  not 
accompany  my  brigade  without  my  permission.  He  did  not  go 


THE   CAPTURE   OF   FORT  FISHER  313 

as  the  representative  of  another,  nor  did  he  make  the  slightest 
attempt  to  direct  the  movements  of  the  men.  He  fell  at  the 
stockade,  seriously  wounded,  the  victim  of  a  valor  which  he  con 
spicuously  exhibited  in  every  battle  in  which  he  participated. 

The  preliminary  advances  were  made  in  a  succession  of  thin 
lines,  number  one  of  the  first  line  going  forward  to  a  rifle  pit, 
followed  by  number  two  ;  the  rear  rank  advancing  in  the  same 
manner.  By  this  method  only  one-fourth  of  the  line  was  ex 
posed  to  the  enemy's  fire. 

After  the  first  advance  Captain  Keeler,  of  the  division  staff, 
who  was  near  the  right  of  my  line,  called  out,  "  General  Ames 
says  the  time  for  the  assault  has  come."  I  replied,  "  I  shall 
obey  the  orders  of  General  Terry,  who  understands  that  the 
advance  depends  upon  the  fire  of  the  Navy  and  its  effect  upon 
the  garrison." 

Three  short  advances  were  made.  During  each  the  garrison 
came  to  the  parapet ;  when  the  line  halted  it  returned  to  the 
bomb-proofs,  each  time  remaining  longer  on  the  parapet  and 
suffering  greater  damage  from  the  naval  fire.  When  the  enemy 
seemed  determined  to  remain  on  the  parapet  the  final  rush 
was  made.  I  arose  from  the  middle  of  the  line  and  called 
out  "Forward,"  advancing  as  I  arose  from  the  ground.  Each 
officer  and  man  had  been  instructed  to  advance  as  he  got  up, 
and  to  go  forward  in  silence.  Cheering  was  positively  for 
bidden,  the  object  being  to  keep  the  men  from  expending  their 
wind  needlessly,  as  it  was  all  important  to  save  it  for  the  final 
rush  up  the  parapet.  We  were  fifteen  paces  to  the  front  before 
we  reached  the  usual  height  of  a  running  man,  which  is  about 
one-third  less  than  the  height  when  standing.  The  result  of 
this  movement  was  to  cause  the  first  volley  to  pass  over  our 
heads,  doing  but  little  damage.  Had  the  order  been  given, 
"Attention,  first  battalion,  guide  right,  second,  third  and  fourth 
battalions  oblique  to  the  right,"  many  in  the  line  would  have 
been  shot  down  before  a  start  was  made. 

The  naval  fire  had  made  many  openings  in  the  stockade,  but 


314  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

not  enough  to  allow  speedy  passage  through  it.  One  hundred 
axes  which  had  been  distributed  in  the  brigade  were  vigorously 
used,  under  a  galling  fire,  in  making  openings  for  the  men. 
The  first  forty  or  fifty  through  the  stockade  climbed  up  the 
parapet  and  met  the  enemy  between  the  first  and  second  trav 
erses.  In  this  space  there  were  two  Columbiads,  one  disabled, 
the  enemy  loading  the  other.  The  charge  had  been  sent  home, 
but  the  ramrod  not  withdrawn,  when  we  overpowered  the  gun 
ners.  The  man  at  the  breech  put  out  his  hand  with  a  primer 
to  discharge  the  piece,  after  his  surrender  had  been  demanded. 
A  sharp  blow  from  a  sabre  on  his  outstretched  hand  quickly  dis 
suaded  him,  and  the  charge  remained  until  the  captors  had 
leisure  to  withdraw  it. 

The  first  battle-flag  to  come  up  was  a  marker  of  the  H7th 
New  York,  which  was  promptly  placed  on  the  second  traverse. 
Its  right  to  remain  there  was  tested  in  a  hand  to  hand  contest 
with  swords  and  bayonets,  in  which  the  Yankees  won. 

We  then  went  down  to  the  floor  of  the  fort  and  secured  the 
men  serving  a  Napoleon  gun  at  the  gate,  and  a  number  of  in 
fantry  posted  at  the  stockade  west  of  the  gate.  These  men 
were  sent  to  the  rear  without  escort.  Their  capture  removed 
the  chief  obstacle  to  an  approach  by  the  road.  At  this  time 
the  Second  Brigade  entered  the  fort,  some  through  the  gate, 
and  others  over  the  parapet.  Just  before  returning  to  the  para 
pet  I  saw  General  Ames  advancing  from  the  gate,  through  which 
he  had  apparently  entered  the  fort.  He  requested  Adjutant 
Roys,  1 1  /th  New  York,  to  take  a  number  of  prisoners  then 
coming  out  of  the  left  bomb-proof,  to  General  Terry,  with  his 
compliments.  I  directed  Adjutant  Roys  to  return  to  the  para 
pet,  where  he  could  be  better  employed  than  in  escorting  pris 
oners  to  the  rear.  He  obeyed  my  order,  and  rendered  most 
efficient  service  in  the  front  line  throughout  the  day.  Upon 
reaching  the  parapet  I  found  that  a  large  number  of  my  brigade 
had  succeeded  in  getting  through  the  stockade,  and  were  advan 
cing  to  the  place  first  gotten  possession  of,  where  they  were 
being  rapidly  joined  by  men  of  the  Second  Brigade. 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    FORT   FISHER  315 

At  the  time  we  made  the  grand  rush  for  the  left  of  the  para 
pet,  the  naval  column  moved  in  mass  upon  the  sea  bastion. 
The  enemy,  believing  this  to  be  the  main  attack,  turned  upon 
them  all  the  guns  which  could  sweep  the  beach,  and  massed 
more  than  half  of  his  infantry  behind  the  right  of  the  parapet 
to  repel  the  attack.  Colonel  Lamb  conducted  this  defence  of 
the  sea  bastion  in  person.  The  enemy's  fire  upon  the  naval 
column  was  terribly  effective,  spreading  death  and  disorder. 
Except  a  few,  who  reached  the  stockade,  those  not  disabled  soon 
retired. 

General  Whiting  at  this  time  occupied  a  position  on  the 
parapet  midway  between  the  sea  bastion  and  the  sally-port. 
The  repulse  of  the  naval  column  caused  the  troops  under 
Colonel  Lamb  and  General  Whiting  to  cheer  vigorously,  the 
cheers  being  heard  above  the  roar  of  the  cannon  ;  but  their 
exultation  was  short,  for,  upon  looking  to  the  west,  they  saw 
two  U.  S.  flags  on  the  left  of  the  parapet,  —  their  comrades 
unable  to  remove  them.  General  Whiting  hurried  with  the 
troops  near  him  to  the  left  of  the  line,  and  joined  in  the  contest 
which  we  made  for  the  third  traverse.  While  in  this  hand  to 
hand  conflict  he  received  a  mortal  wound,  and  was  carried  to  a 
bomb-proof,  whence  he  encouraged  his  men  to  continue  the  de 
fence.  Colonel  Pennypacker,  commanding  the  Second  Brigade, 
was  severely  wounded  while  placing  the  colors  of  his  regiment 
on  this  traverse,  and  Colonel  Moore,  2O3rcl  Pennsylvania,  was 
killed  while  advancing  with  the  colors  of  his  regiment  to  the 
same  position.  Lieut.  Colonel  Burney  and  Major  Jones,  I42nd 
New  York,  were  wounded  here,  but  soon  after  re-entered  the 
contest.  Here  Captain  Thomas,  n/th  New  York,  was  killed. 
Lieut.  Colonel  Meyer  and  Major  Bagg,  1 1  ^th  New  York,  al 
though  each  wounded,  and  many  officers  of  the  Second  Brigade 
whose  names  I  cannot  give,  came  to  the  front  and  joined  in  the 
contest  until  our  possession  of  the  traverse  was  undisputed. 
Our  killed  and  wounded  on  the  parapet  impeded  our  advance  to 
the  fourth  traverse  so  that  we  were  scarcely  able  to  go  forward 


3l6  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

without  treading  upon  them.  Colonel  Lamb  came  forward  with 
troops  to  meet  us  at  the  fourth  traverse,  bringing  into  action  a 
larger  number  than  we  had  met  at  the  third.  Our  numbers 
were  also  increased  by  those  who  joined  us  as  rapidly  as  they 
came  into  the  fort.  The  struggle  for  this  traverse  was  the 
hottest  and  most  prolonged  single  contest  of  the  day.  The  loss 
of  life  was  great  on  both  sides.  The  killed  and  wounded  were 
set  aside  to  make  room  for  comrades  who  came  impetuously  for 
ward  to  support  their  respective  sides.  In  this  contest  Colonel 
Lamb  was  seriously  wounded,  and  taken  to  the  same  bomb-proof 
occupied  by  General  Whiting,  from  which  place  he  directed  his 
subordinates  to  make  every  resistance  to  our  advance  ;  but  our 
success  in  this  fearful  struggle  had  turned  the  tide,  their 
defence  became  less  spirited  and  effective,  and  each  succeeding 
traverse  was  taken  with  less  difficulty. 

The  naval  fire  throughout  the  day  had  been  delivered  with 
singular  accuracy,  at  the  rate  of  two  or  three  shells  per  second, 
in  front  of  the  assaulting  forces  ;  but  at  the  fifth  traverse  a  shot 
went  wide  of  its  mark  and  killed  or  disabled  all  but  four  men  in 
our  front  line.  Fearing  that  a  slackening  of  our  fire  would  in 
vite  a  countercharge,  I  myself  discharged  the  guns  of  the  killed 
and  disabled  men  until  reinforcements  were  brought  forward. 
A  sudden  emergency  compelled  this  action.  It  was  not  done  to 
encourage  the  soldiers  —  no  theatrical  efforts  were  needed  to 
quicken  their  zeal.  Men  unable  to  stand  and  fire  their  pieces 
handed  up  the  guns  of  their  dead  and  helpless  comrades,  and 
when  given  back  reloaded  them  again  and  again,  exhibiting  a 
frenzied  zeal  and  unselfish  devotion,  that,  seemingly,  nothing  but 
death  could  chill. 

While  we  were  capturing  the  traverses,  others  on  the  floor 
of  the  fort  fought  the  enemy  in  bomb-proofs  and  behind  obstruc 
tions  near  the  parapet,  keeping  pace  with  us.  Lieut.  Colonel 
Lyman,  2O3rd  Pennsylvania,  was  killed  while  actively  urging  this 
line  forward.  Several  company  officers  were  in  this  detachment, 
and  vigorously  conducted  these  operations  after  his  death,  among 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    FORT   FISHER  317 

them  Captain  William  H.  Walling,  I42nd  New  York  Volunteers, 
who,  on  the  first  expedition,  had  captured  the  garrison  flag  of 
Fort  Fisher.  Captain  R.  D.  Morehouse,  I42nd  New  York 
Volunteers,  in  charge  of  a  party,  captured  a  large  number  of 
Confederates  in  the  sally-port,  from  which  they  had  energetically 
opposed  the  advance  of  our  forces  on  the  floor  of  the  fort ;  but 
our  progress  on  the  parapet  rendered  their  position  untenable, 
and,  by  a  skilful  movement,  he  captured  them  before  they  could 
retire  to  other  defences.  His  skill  and  bravery  were  as  con 
spicuous  then  as  his  modest  dignity  is  noticeable  among  his  com 
panions  of  the  Legion.  This  capture  was  considered  by  the 
Confederates  a  dishonorable  surrender.  They  did  not  know 
then  that  these  men  had  been  compelled  to  surrender,  and  had 
only  put  up  a  white  flag  when  retreat  was  impossible.  Major 
William  J.  Sanders  reports  this  incident  in  the  following  language: 
"  General  Whiting,  although  wounded,  was  still  directing,  as  far 
as  possible,  the  movements  of  his  small  force,  when  Major  Riley 
rushed  in  and  reported  the  astonishing  fact  that  an  officer,  hav 
ing  put  his  handkerchief  on  a  ramrod  whilst  he  was  temporarily 
in  another  portion  of  his  command,  had  surrendered  three 
hundred  of  his  men  and  admitted  a  regiment  into  the  galleries 
of  the  sally-port  on  the  land-face." 

Progress  was  more  easily  and  steadily  made  until  we  gained 
possession  of  the  seventh  traverse  at  4.45  P.M.,  where  it  was 
found  that  our  best  marksmen  could  drive  the  gunners  from 
the  Columbiad  on  the  sea  bastion,  with  which  gun  the  enemy 
had  enfiladed  the  ditch  and  given  the  assailants  more  trouble 
than  with  any  other  piece  in  the  fort.  When  it  was  discovered 
that  this  gun  could  be  silenced,  the  project  of  marching  up  the 
ditch  and  capturing  the  sea  bastion  was  decided  upon,  and  men 
at  the  west  end  of  the  fort  were  summoned  to  undertake  it.  I 
sent  Corporal  Jones,  of  the  color  guard  of  the  I  i/th  New  York, 
to  the  west  end  of  the  fort  to  bring  men  forward.  He  came 
back,  and  stated  that  General  Ames  directed  him  to  return  and 
say  that  men  could  not  be  sent,  but  spades  to  fortify  would  be 


3l8  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

furnished.  My  orderly,  A.  D.  Knight,  was  next  sent  to  obtain 
men,  and  directed  to  state  the  object  of  the  movement  to  be 
made.  He  soon  returned,  and  stated  that  General  Ames  had 
ordered  him  to  say  that  the  men  were  exhausted,  and  no  further 
advance  would  be  attempted  until  reinforcements  arrived  in 
the  morning ;  that  we  should  hold  the  ground  occupied,  if 
possible,  and  that  intrenching"  tools  would  be  sent  to  us.  I 
directed  Orderly  Knight  to  go  back  and  request  officers  under 
my  rank  to  collect  men  and  bring  them  forward,  so  that  the 
attack  could  be  made  before  dark  ;  to  say  that  the  resistance  of 
the  enemy  was  less  than  at  the  beginning  of  the  battle,  and  that 
the  capture  of  the  bastion  would  compel  an  early  surrender. 
Knight  soon  returned  with  an  armful  of  spades  which  General 
Ames  had  ordered  him  to  carry  to  me  that  I  might  fortify  and 
hold  our  position  until  fresh  troops  came  into  the  fort.  I  threw 
the  spades  over  the  traverse  to  the  Confederates.  Being  con 
vinced  that  General  Ames  intended  to  suspend  operations  until 
reinforcements  came  in,  I  directed  Silas  W.  Kempt  on,  Mate 
U.  S.  Navy,  who  reported  to  me  early  in  the  engagement  and 
volunteered  to  serve  in  whatever  capacity  he  might  be  useful, 
to  go,  for  the  second  time,  to  General  Terry,  to  urge  him  to 
have  the  troops  then  engaged  in  throwing  up  fortifications  in 
rear  of  the  left  end  of  the  parapet  to  join  in  a  general  advance, 
and  take  possession  of  the  fort  before  reinforcements  could  be 
sent  in  to  the  enemy.  I  instructed  him  to  state  that  the  enemy 
were  offering  slight  resistance,  and  that  a  bold  push  would 
secure  a  victory  already  substantially  won.  This  young  sailor 
had  been  previously  sent  to  General  Terry,  after  we  had  won 
possession  of  the  fourth  traverse,  to  ask  him  to  have  the  naval 
fire  in  front  of  our  advancing  lines  increased,  if  possible,  and  to 
have  the  fuses  cut  shorter,  so  as  to  cause  the  explosion  of 
the  shells  nearer  the  parapet.  Many  passed  beyond  the  fort, 
and  were  lost  by  exploding  in  the  marsh  and  river.  The  zeal 
and  intelligence  of  Mr.  Kempton  commanded  my  warmest 
admiration. 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    FORT   FISHER  319 

I  then  directed  Captain  David  B.  Magill,  ii/th  New  York, 
to  take  the  next  traverse  with  the  first  men  who  should  come 
up,  and  went  to  the  west  end  of  the  parapet  and  to  the  floor  of 
the  fort  in  rear  of  it,  to  obtain  men  to  march  up  the  ditch  to 
the  sea  bastion.  While  collecting  them  on  the  floor  of  the  fort 
in  rear  of  the  first  and  second  traverses,  General  Ames  addressed 
me,  for  the  first  time  since  the  movement  on  the  fort  had 
begun,  and  said,  "  I  have  two  or  three  times  sent  you  word  to 
fortify  your  position  and  hold  it  until  reinforcements  can  be 
sent  to  aid  us  ;  the  men  are  exhausted,  and  I  will  not  order 
them  to  go  forward."  I  directed  his  attention  to  two  steam 
boats  in  the  Cape  Fear  River,  loaded  with  Confederate  troops, 
waiting  for  darkness  to  enable  them  to  land,  which  they  could 
not  do  while  it  was  light,  because  of  the  naval  fire,  and  said, 
"  Should  they  succeed  in  landing  they  may  be  able  to  drive  us 
out  ;  therefore,  the  fort  should  be  captured  before  fresh  troops 
come  to  the  enemy."  I  informed  him  that  the  garrison  was 
resisting  with  less  spirit  than  earlier  in  the  day,  and  asserted 
that  complete  victory  was  within  our  grasp  if  we  aroused  our 
selves  and  pushed  the  advantage  we  surely  had,  and  that  I 
intended  to  conduct  the  movement  up  the  ditch  to  the  sea 
bastion  if  I  could  get  but  fifty  men.  Several  said,  "  We  will 
go."  At  this  time  the  sun  was  just  disappearing,  at  5.15-^  P.M., 
—  as  stated  by  the  Navy  Department,  two  hours  and  five 
minutes  from  the  opening  of  the  battle. 

While  the  volunteers  were  assembling  I  went  further  into 
the  fort  and  had  ascended  a  magazine  or  sand  dune  for  the 
purpose  of  looking  into  the  angle  of  the  bastion  I  intended  to 
attack,  when  I  was  struck  and  disabled  by  two  fragments  of  a 
shell,  one  destroying  the  left  eye,  and  the  other  carrying  away 
a  portion  of  the  bone  at  the  base  of  the  brain.  I  was  uncon 
scious  for  several  hours. 

From  official  and  other  trustworthy  sources  it  is  shown  that 
after  sundown  no  special  efforts  were  made  to  advance  our 
lines,  except  the  capture  of  an  additional  traverse  by  the  troops 


320  CIVIL  WAR    PAPERS 

left  under  command  of  Captain  Magill  when  I  started  out  to 
collect  men  to  go  up  the  ditch.  About  8  o'clock  a  regiment 
of  colored  troops  from  General  Paine' s  line  was  sent  to  General 
Ames  to  assist  in  taking  possession  of  the  fort.  He  directed 
them  to  stack  arms  outside  the  fort  and  join  the  men  in  the 
rear  of  the  left  end  of  the  parapet  in  throwing  up  breastworks 
to  protect  the  assailants  from  a  counter-charge  by  the  garrison. 
Late  in  the  afternoon  the  sailors  and  marines  were  withdrawn 
from  the  beach  and  sent  to  relieve  Abbott's  brigade,  which  was 
immediately  sent  down  to  the  fort.  The  3rd  New  Hampshire 
was  placed  on  the  right  of  Abbott's  brigade,  and  when  Captain 
Trickey,  in  command  of  it,  was  directed  by  General  Abbott  to 
take  the  traverse  on  that  part  of  the  parapet  where  the  greatest 
resistance  was  expected  to  be  made,  the  captain  called  his 
attention  to  the  fact  that  he  had  less  than  eighty  men  in  his 
command,  and  that  a  greater  number  might  be  needed  to  carry 
the  traverses.  General  Abbott  informed  him  he  would  be 
supported,  and  that  his  regiment  was  specially  named  to  him  by 
General  Terry  for  that  duty.  The  fact  that  the  regiment  was 
armed  with  repeating  rifles  may  have  influenced  General  Terry 
in  making  the  selection.  The  order  for  the  placing  of  the 
3rd  New  Hampshire  in  Abbott's  brigade,  as  stated  to  me  by  its 
commander,  shows  that  General  Terry  kept  in  close  touch  with 
the  several  brigades,  and  gave  personal  attention  to  their  move 
ments  throughout  the  battle.  When  Abbott's  brigade  reached 
the  unoccupied  portion  of  the  parapet  the  enemy  received  it 
with  a  volley,  but  not  heavy  enough  to  check  its  progress.  It 
marched  over  the  parapet,  across  the  floor  of  the  fort,  parallel 
to  the  sea-face,  and  southward  to  Battery  Buchanan,  where  the 
garrison  of  Fort  Fisher  was  found,  unarmed  and  demoralized. 
These  operations  of  Abbott's  brigade  were  successfully  carried 
out  with  the  loss  of  four  men  killed  and  twenty-three  wounded. 
As  soon  as  it  was  dark  General  Whiting  and  Colonel  Lamb 
had  been  carried  to  Battery  Buchanan,  the  former  mortally  and 
the  latter  seriously  wounded.  It  was  proposed  to  send  them 


THE    CAPTURE   OF    FORT   FISHER  321 

across  the  river  in  small  boats,  as  many  had  been,  but  they  de 
termined  to  remain  and  share  the  fate  of  the  garrison. 

The  troops  entered  the  fort  without  hesitation,  and  vied  one 
with  another,  officers  and  men  alike,  for  possession  of  the  work. 
The  loss  in  the  early  part  of  the  engagement  of  Colonel  Bell, 
commanding  Third  Brigade,  and  Colonel  Smith,  1 1 2th  New 
York,  both  mortally  wounded  before  reaching  the  work,  and  of 
Colonel  Moore,  killed  soon  after  mounting  the  parapet,  was 
sorely  felt  throughout  the  day.  They  were  soldiers  of  marked 
ability,  veterans  who  had  won  distinction  in  every  campaign  in 
which  the  army  to  which  they  belonged  had  been  engaged. 
Colonel  Pennypacker,  commanding  Second  Brigade,  was  seri 
ously  wounded  while  placing  the  colors  of  his  regiment  on  the 
third  traverse.  This  distinguished  officer  had  put  his  brigade 
into  position  and  given  it  an  impulse  which  continued  through 
out  the  day.  The  loss  of  no  officer  could  have  been  greater. 
At  the  end  of  the  first  hour  few  officers  could  have  been  found 
not  disabled  or  bearing  wounds  that  would  have  justified  their 
retirement  from  an  ordinary  engagement,  and  a  suspension  of 
hostilities  would  have  followed  had  not  the  troops  been  of  the 
highest  grade.  Nine-tenths  of  them  were  veterans  who  had 
served  in  the  campaigns  in  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas,  and  had 
fought  in  every  battle  from  Cold  Harbor  to  the  last  battle  in  the 
campaign  before  Petersburg  and  Richmond.  There  was  not  an 
officer  or  man  in  the  division  who  did  not  merit  the  highest 
commendation  for  unyielding  persistency,  courage,  and  devotion. 

While  the  First  and  Second  Brigades  were  the  first  to  enter 
the  fort,  and  contended  together  without  distinction  for  posses 
sion  of  the  parapet,  it  is  not  the  intention  to  claim  that  one 
brigade  was  superior.  Circumstances  to  a  large  degree,  no 
doubt,  influenced  the  selection  as  to  the  order  in  which  the 
troops  attacked  the  fort.  The  First  Brigade  had  been  near  it 
on  the  first  expedition,  had  taken  its  flag  and  a  battalion  of 
prisoners,  and  thoroughly  believed  that  it  could  have  been 
captured  then.  The  knowledge  of  this  fact  undoubtedly  had 


322  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

much  weight  in  influencing  the  commanding  general  to  select 
that  brigade  to  lead  the  assaulting  forces.  Each  brigade  took 
the  position  assigned  to  it,  and  performed  its  duties  in  a  most 
courageous  and  efficient  manner. 

The  crisis  was  passed  soon  after  four  o'clock,  and  success 
assured  when  the  First  and  Second  Brigades  had  mounted  the 
parapet  and  demonstrated  their  ability  not  only  to  hold  their 
ground,  but  to  make  steady  progress  from  traverse  to  traverse. 
Had  Ames  and  Curtis  both  been  killed  or  disabled  at  the  time 
Pennypacker  was  wounded,  the  battle  would  have  proceeded 
successfully  under  the  command  of  field  and  company  officers. 
When  the  battle  was  well  begun  skill  and  generalship  consisted  in 
physical  blows,  and  to  every  one  who  struck  them  honor  is  due. 

Admiral  Porter  wanted  success  no  less  than  General  Terry, 
and  was  ready  to  take  any  steps  in  the  line  of  his  profession  to 
win  it.  He  knew,  as  all  did,  that  a  naval  column  would  divert 
the  garrison,  and  asked  the  navy  to  furnish  men  to  form  it. 
In  pursuit  of  victory  desperate  chances  are  often  taken.  Never 
did  men  undertake  a  more  difficult  or  hazardous  task,  and  never 
did  men  offer  themselves  in  their  country's  service  with  more 
zeal,  courage  or  unselfish  devotion  than  did  the  officers  and  men 
of  the  Navy,  and  the  Marines,  on  the  beach  at  Fort  Fisher. 
Their  action  contributed  to  the  progress  of  the  army  —  whether 
the  gain  justified  the  losses  we  shall  never  know.  The  naval 
column  was  important  as  a  diversion,  but  its  value  was  slight  in 
comparison  with  the  fire  of  the  six  hundred  guns  trained  on  the 
fort.  The  fleet  maintained  an  uninterrupted  fire  for  two  days, 
exceeding  in  effectiveness  any  bombardment  recorded  in  the 
annals  of  war.  To  Admiral  Porter's  fleet  the  army  was  in 
debted  for  an  uncontested  landing,  for  an  uninterrupted  approach 
to  within  charging  distance  of  the  fort,  and  to  its  well  directed 
fire  in  front  of  the  assaulting  forces,  for  a  success  which,  with 
out  the  Navy's  aid,  would  have  been  impossible. 

It  will  not  be  out  of  place  to  refer  to  the  enemy  and  their 
defence  of  the  fort. 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    FORT   FISHER  323 

The  constant  fire  of  the  Navy  for  two  days  deprived  the 
garrison  of  opportunity  to  rest  or  prepare  food.  While  they 
suffered  but  little  from  this  fire  until  brought  out  of  their  bomb- 
proofs  to  contest  the  advance  of  the  assaulting  forces,  they  then 
came  under  the  hottest  fire  men  ever  encountered.  Colonel 
Lamb  skillfully  conducted  the  defence,  aided  by  General  Whit 
ing,  who  had  volunteered  his  services  on  entering  the  fort. 
They  protected  their  men  until  the  decisive  moment,  and  then 
led  them  with  conspicuous  gallantry. 

The  left  of  the  parapet  was  in  charge  of  a  junior  officer 
whose  mistake,  that  of  a  moment  only,  was  in  failing  to  mount 
the  parapet  and  contest  our  advance  from  the  ditch.  The  men 
serving  the  piece  of  artillery  covering  the  road,  west  of  the  para 
pet,  were  so  intent  in  performing  their  duty  that  they  were  un 
conscious  of  our  approach  until  ordered  to  surrender  by  men  of 
the  1 1  /th  New  York,  who  went  down  from  the  parapet  after 
capturing  the  second  traverse. 

General  Bragg,  in  his  report  on  the  capture  of  the  fort,  says 
of  our  assaulting  line  : 

"  His  army  column,  preceded  by  a  single  regiment,  ap 
proached  along  the  river  and  entered  the  work  on  that  flank 
almost  unopposed." 

This  does  a  great  injustice  to  the  men  guarding  the  road. 
In  fact  they  made  it  fatal  to  approach  by  the  road  ;  and  not 
until  their  capture,  in  active  defence  of  the  work,  was  the  road 
made  a  safer  line  of  approach  than  over  the  parapet.  The  Con 
federate  garrison  of  Fort  Fisher  might  well  resent  this  asper 
sion  on  their  most  stubborn  defence,  and  justly  complain  of  the 
indifference  of  General  Bragg,  who  had  six  thousand  men  within 
striking  distance  of  our  defensive  line  —  more  than  twice  the 
number  of  men  holding  the  line  —  in  not  vigorously  attacking 
it.  General  Bragg  reported  to  General  Lee  "That  at  4  P.M., 
when  the  enemy's  infantry  advanced  to  the  assault,  our  troops 
were  making  a  heavy  demonstration  against  the  enemy's  rear." 
Although  he  expended  a  large  amount  of  ammunition  in  making 


324  CIVIL  WAR   PAPERS 

this  so-called  "  heavy  demonstration,"  nevertheless  General 
Paine's  line  was  maintained  without  the  loss  or  injury  of  a  single 
Union  soldier. 

I  have  said  that  the  enemy  plainly  showed  signs  of  weaken 
ing  before  5  P.M.,  and  that  full  possession  of  the  fort  only 
awaited  the  advance  of  the  Federal  troops.  This  statement  is 
supported  by  the  reports  of  Confederate  officers. 

In  his  report  General  Whiting  says  : 

"  The  fall  both  of  the  general  and  the  colonel  commanding 
the  fort,  one  about  4  and  the  other  about  4.30  P.M.,  had  a  per 
ceptible  effect  upon  the  men,  and  no  doubt  hastened  greatly  the 
result ;  but  we  were  overpowered,  and  no  skill  or  gallantry  could 
have  saved  the  place,  after  he  effected  a  lodgment,  except  attack 
in  the  rear." 

General  Colquitt,  who  had  been  ordered,  late  in  the  after 
noon,  to  take  command  of  the  fort,  reported  to  General  Bragg 
the  condition  of  affairs  he  found  on  landing  on  Federal  Point 
between  9  and  10  P.M. 

"  We  landed,  therefore,  four  hundred  or  five  hundred  yards 
from  Battery  Buchanan,  between  the  Battery  and  Fort  Fisher. 
I  was  not  hailed,  and  did  not  see  a  sentinel  or  picket.  A  short 
distance  from  the  point  of  landing  I  saw  a  shanty  with  several 
negroes  and  one  or  two  white  men  in  it.  They  reported  that 
Fisher  was  taken,  which,  as  I  distrusted,  I  required  one  of  them 
to  come  out  and  go  with  me  as  guide.  I  was  about  starting 
when  an  officer,  representing  himself  as  Captain  Munn,  with  a 
dozen  or  fifteen  men,  without  arms,  came  up.  These  I  took  for 
a  fatigue  detail,  until  the  captain  informed  me  the  fort  was 
evacuated  ;  that  he  had  just  come  from  it,  and  that  General 
Whiting  and  Colonel  Lamb  were  already  at  Battery  Buchanan. 
.  .  .  Meeting  an  officer,  he  said  he  would  carry  me  to  Colonel 
Lamb,  who  was  wounded.  I  found  the  colonel  prostrate  with 
a  wound,  which  he  thought,  however,  was  not  severe.  In  an 
swer  to  my  inquiry  whether  anything  more  could  be  done,  he 
replied  that  a  fresh  brigade  might  then  retake  the  fort.  I  told 


THE    CAPTURE    OF    FORT  FISHER  325 

him  there  was  no  brigade  with  me,  and  wished  to  know  of  him 
the  condition  of  the  men  who  had  escaped.  He  said  that  when 
\ie  was  wounded  everything  broke  up  in  consternation  and  was 
utterly  disorganized,  and  that  no  further  efforts  could  effect 
anything  with  the  resources  available." 

Lieutenant  Hugh  H.  Colquitt,  who  accompanied  General 
Colquitt  to  Battery  Buchanan,  in  his  report  says  : 

"  I  asked  an  officer,  the  coolest  man  I  saw,  at  what  hour  the 
enemy  got  into  the  fort.  He  replied,  about  two  hours  by  the 
sun.  '  What  in  the  world  have  you  been  doing  since  ? '  This 
he  answered  by  stating  that  he  had  been  fighting  in  the  fort 
ever  since,  until  dark,  when  the  garrison  commenced  leaving, 
and  he  presumed  all  had  left  by  that  time.  .  .  .  All  our  men 
were  in  a  state  of  panic  and  demoralization  ;  no  organization, 
no  guns,  nothing  but  confusion  and  dismay." 

"  The  Abstract  From  Return  of  the  Expeditionary  Forces, 
Bvet.  Maj.  Gen.  Alfred  H.  Terry,  U.  S.  Army,  commanding, 
for  January  10,  1865,"  gives  the  aggregate  of  the  four  brigades 
engaged  in  reducing  the  fort,  five  days  before  the  assault, 
to  have  been  two  hundred  and  fifty-seven  officers  and  five  thou 
sand  one  hundred  and  seventy-two  men.  Of  this  number  prob 
ably  thirty-seven  hundred  took  part  in  the  assault,  and  at  9 
o'clock  P.M.  thirteen  hundred  men  under  Abbott  and  three 
hundred  colored  troops  entered  the  fort  substantially  unopposed, 
to  secure  a  victory  actually  won  four  hours  before.  There  arc 
no  records  in  the  War  Department  giving  the  number  of  officers 
and  men  in  the  brigades  commanded  respectively  by  Curtis, 
Pennypacker  and  Bell,  or  the  number  of  men  taken  into  action. 
It  is  estimated  that  the  First  (Curtis')  Brigade  numbered  nine 
hundred  officers  and  men  ;  the  Second  (Pennypacker's),  seven 
teen  hundred  officers  and  men  ;  the  Third  (Bell's),  eleven  hun 
dred  officers  and  men ;  Abbott's  Second  Brigade,  thirteen 
hundred  officers  and  men. 

The  return  of  the  casualties  indicates  the  actual  resistance 
met  by  the  several  brigades,  which  I  give  in  the  order  they  re- 


326  CIVIL   WAR    PAPERS 

spectively  entered  the  fort.  Curtis'  brigade,  two  officers  and 
thirty-seven  men  killed  ;  eighteen  officers  and  one  hundred  and 
sixty-six  men  wounded;  five  missing.  25.33  per  cent.  Penny- 
packer's  brigade,  six  officers  and  forty-five  men  killed  ;  six  offi 
cers  and  two  hundred  and  eleven  men  wounded ;  two  missing. 
16.47  Per  cent.  Bell's  brigade,  two  officers  and  fourteen  men 
killed  ;  six  officers  and  ninety-one  men  wounded  ;  two  missing. 
10.04  Per  cent.  Abbott's  brigade,  four  men  killed  ;  two  officers 
and  twenty-one  men  wounded  ;  four  missing.  2.33  per  cent. 
The  missing  includes  those  injured  beyond  recognition,  and 
those  buried  in  the  sand  by  the  explosion  of  a  magazine  after 
the  capture. 

In  bestowing  honors  for  the  victory  at  Fort  Fisher  we 
should  prominently  mention  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  the 
officers  and  men  of  the  North  Atlantic  blockading  squadron, 
who,  for  three  years,  had  continually  urged  the  sending  of  an 
army  force  to  join  the  navy  in  an  expedition  to  reduce  the  de 
fences  at  the  mouth  of  the  Cape  Fear  River.  Nor  should  we 
neglect  prominently  to  associate  General  Grant  with  its  capture. 
He  organized  the  military  force,  and  in  spite  of  the  first  failure 
adhered  to  his  purpose  with  unyielding  persistency  until  the 
end  was  accomplished.  The  skill  and  labors  of  Admiral  Porter 
and  General  Terry  were  fully  acknowledged  by  the  Administra 
tion  and  Congress,  which  all  serving  under  them  heartily  approve. 

Whatever  may  be  the  opinion  of  military  men  as  to  the 
wisdom  of  employing  troops  in  throwing  up  breastworks  in 
side  the  fort  —  a  greater  number  of  men  than  were  engaged 
with  the  enemy  in  close  action  on  the  parapet  and  the  floor  of 
the  fort  near  the  parapet  —  instead  of  sending  them  across  the 
floor  of  the  fort  to  the  sea-face,  which  movement  would  have 
ended  the  contest  an  hour  before  sunset,  certain  it  is  all  will 
acknowledge  that  General  Ames,  under  whose  directions  these 
engineering  operations  were  carried  on,  bore  himself  with  cool 
ness  and  courage,  as  he  did  in  his  first  battle,  when  he  won  a 
Congressional  Medal  of  Honor  for  personal  bravery. 


THE    CAPTURE    OF   FORT    FISHER  327 

The  services  of  the  gentlemen  who  went  on  both  expeditions 
in  an  advisory  capacity,  although  on  the  first  the  most  impor 
tant  action  —  the  withdrawal  of  the  troops  from  the  beach  — 
was  determined  upon  without  his  opinion  being  asked,  were 
briefly  stated  by  General  Terry  : 

"  To  Bvt.  Brig.  Gen.  C.  B.  Comstock,  Aide-de-Camp  on  the  staff  of  the 
Lieutenant  General,  I  am  under  the  deepest  obligations.  At  every  step  of  our 
progress  I  received  from  him  the  most  valuable  assistance.  For  the  final  success 
of  our  part  of  the  operations  the  country  is  more  indebted  to  him  than  to  me." 

It  would  be  unjust,  as  it  would  be  ungenerous,  to  withhold 
from  the  field  and  company  officers  the  warmest  praise  for  their 
watchfulness  in  detecting  every  advantage  afforded  by  the 
enemy,  for  their  irresistible  impetuosity  and  valor,  which  over 
came  obstacles  as  great  as  human  skill  and  stubborn  devotion 
could  create,  or  to  fail  to  gratefully  acknowledge  the  services  of 
the  men  in  the  ranks.  Their  steadiness,  fortitude  and  bravery 
were  surpassed  by  no  one  exercising  command  over  them. 
Certainly  our  great  commander  did  not  neglect  to  commend 
every  member  of  the  military  force  composing  the  expedition, 
irrespective  of  rank  or  grade,  in  one  of  the  most  extraordinary 
documents  ever  filed  with  the  archives  of  the  War  Department, 
wherein  he  recommended  their  commander  for  a  high  position 
in  the  regular  army,  based  solely  on  their  services,  and  inde 
pendent  of  the  promotions  given  to  Terry,  Ames,  Pennypacker 
and  Curtis  in  acknowledgment  of  their  personal  services. 

CITY  POINT,  V 'A.,  January  17,  1865. 
HON.  E.  M.  STANTON, 

Secretary  of  War. 

As  a  substantial  recognition  of  the  bravery  of  both  officers  and  men  in  the 
capture  of  Fort  Fisher,  and  the  important  service  thereby  rendered  to  their 
country,  I  do  most  respectfully  recommend  Bvt.  Maj.  Gen.  Alfred  H.  Terry,  U.  S. 
Volunteers,  their  commanding  officer,  for  appointment  as  Brigadier  General  in  the 
Regular  Army. 

U.  S.  GRANT, 

Lieutenant  General. 


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